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About Google Book Search Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web at http : //books . google . com/| ^^- /'^'^ -f- "^'^ V -'••• The works of William Shakespeare William Shakespeare, Henry Irving, Frank Albert Marshall, Edward Dowden , /S-,/^^ (^) l^arbarli College l/ibrars FROM THE BEqySST OF JOHN AMORY LOWELL, (OlMs Of 191S). This fund is $ao,ooO| and of its income three quarters shall be spent for books and one quarter be added to the principal. s A^. /s-^s-. Digitized by Google ' k rV Digitized by VjOOQIC Digitized by Google THE HENRY IRVING SHAKESPEARE. 6) THE WOBKS OF - ■* ' ? J . « y WILLIAM SHAKE SPEAEE EDITED BY HENRY_IRVING and FRANK A. JMARSHALL. WITH NOTES AND INTRODUCTIONS TO EACH PLAY BY F. A. MARSHALL AND OTHER SHAKESPEARIAN SCHOLARS, AND Numerous Illustrations by GORDON BROWNE. VOLUME II. - LONDON: BLACKIE & SON, 49 & 50 OLD BAILEY, EC; GLASGOW, EDINBFKGH, AND DUBLIN. 1888. Digitized by Google % I'y-y3^ r '/ V-^xcJoruo before us, instoid of maocs, will we ride throoffh the streeta ; and at every comur have them klu. Act IV. scene 10. lines 77-79, . . 62 CaJe, Iden, farawell, and be proud of thy victory. Tell Kent from me, she hath lost her best man. Act V. scene 1. line 66, . . . 65 /den. Lo, I present your grace a traitor's head. Act V. scene 2. lines 51, 52, . .68 V. Olif. Yorlt not our old men spares ; No more will I their babes. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. Act I. scene 1. line 16, . . .111 Bilk. Speak thou for me, and tell them what I did. Act I. scene 1. line 259, . . .115 K. Hen. Gentle sou Edward, thou wilt stay with me? Act I. scene 3. lines 25, 26, . . 118 Cli/. Had I thy brethren here, their lives, and thine. Were nut reTeuge sufficient for me. Act I. scene 4. lines 79-81, . . 120 V. Mar. Look, York : I stain'd this napkin with the blood That Taliant Clifford, with his rapier's i>oint. Made issue from the bosom of the boy. Act II. scene 1. lines 45-47, . . 123 Me$$. Ah, one that was a woeful looker-on Whenas the noble Duke of York was slain. Your princely father and my loving lord ! Act II. scene 4. line 1, . . . ISO /Udk. Now, Clifford, I have singled thee alone. Act 11. scene 5. line 83, . .131 V.Sol. Itismine19 a third edition (Q. 3) without date, printed by I«aac Jaggard, and comprising also "The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York," apjieared with the following title: "The | Whole Contention \ betweene the two Fa- mous I Houses, Lancaster and | Yorke. | With the Tratjiadl ends of the good Duke \ Humfrey, Richard Duke of Yorke, | atid King Jlenrie the \ sixt. \ Diuided into two Parts; And newly corrected and | enlarged. Written by William Shake- \ speare, Gent. | Printed at LoNDoir, for T. P. | " In 1595 The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York (quoted as Q. 1), upon which III. Henr}' VI. is indisputably based, was published in small 8vo, with the following title: "The | true Tragedie of Richard | Duke of Yorke^ and the death of \ good King Henrie the Sixt, | vnth the whole contention, betweene \ the two Houses Lancaster | and Yorke, as it was sundne times ! acted by the Right Honoura- | ble the Earl of Pem- I brooke his seruanta | Printed at London by P. S. for Thomas Milling- | ton, and are to be sold at his shoppe vnder \ ^aint Peters Church in \ Cornwall 1595." In 1600 the second edition (Q. 2) was pub- lished with the following title: "The \ True Tragedie of | Richarde Duke of | Yorke, and the death of good | King Henrie the Sixt: | ' With the whole contention betweene the two ! Houses, Lancaster and Yorke; as it was i sundry times acted by the Right | Honourable the Earle | of Pembrooke his | seruantes. | Printed at London by W. W. for Thomas Millington, \ and are to be sold at his 8hopi)e vnder Saint | Peters Church in Come- wall. I KKK). ! " The Cambridge edd. (p. x) say, "Copies of this edition are in the Duke of Devonshii-e's Library, the Bodleian (Ma- lone, 3(3), and the British Museum." The third edition (Q. 3) of The True Tragedy, forming the second part of The AiNTiole Con- tention, instead of title-page beara the heading, "Tlie Second Part | Containing the Tragedie 4 of I Richard Duke of Yorke, and the | good King Henrie the , Sixt | " The other sources, from which the dramatist, or dramatists, took their material, were Hall's Chronicle, whether from the original or from Holinshed, and the Mirror for Magistrates. There ai-e very few, if any, original incidents or details introduced either by the authoi-s of the two older plays or by Shakespeare. The most important points of those in dis- pute are these two: Fii-st, had Shakes{)eare anythhig to do with The Contention and The True Tragedy, as they have come down to u» in their })ublished form? Secondly, did any- one assist Shakesi^eare in the adaptation of these plays as they appear in the First Folio under the title of the Second and Third Parts of Henry VI. ? As to the first question, it greatly depends upon whether Tlie Contention and True Tragedy have really come down to us in their original form, or whether they had been touched up by Shakespeare's or any- other hand, before they were printed. As to this point we have no direct evidence of any kind, and very little indirect. As to the second question, we have nothing to rely upon but internal evidence; and what there is of that points most strongly to Marlowe, if to anyone, as Shakespeare's coadjutor. There are un- doubtedly some of the added p^assages in these plays which strongly resemble Marlowe's style,^ and which lead us to believe that either he assisted Shakespeare in the adaptation of the old plays, or, if not, that Sliakespeare, con- sciously or unconsciously, imitated the style of the old^r dramatist. The theory held by Jphnson and Steevens, and adopted by Knight, Ubici, Delius, &c., that Shake8|>eare wrote Tlie Contention and The True Tragedy as well as the revised edi- tions printed in F. 1, may be dismissed as un- tenable; and so may the singular contention of Mr. Fleay (see Macmillaii's Magazine, Nov. 1875) that the whole of the Second and Third Parts of Henry VI. ai*e by Peele and Marlowe; and that Shakespeare revised these plays, though he did not write them, about 1601 (see Stokes, p. 10). The most generally received » Fcr one iustance, see II. Henry VI. note 195. Digitized by Google INTKOUUCTION. o|Miuou is, tliat Greene, and Marlowe, and, perhaps, Peele, wrote the two older plays, and that Shakespeare altered them into the form in which they have come down to us in F. 1. By far the best account of the whole of the history of these plays, and of the controversy <:onceming their authorship, will be found in a most admirable paper by Miss Jane Lee (New Shak. Soc. Transactions, 1876-6, part 2, pp. 217-219). Miss Lee comes to the conclu- sion that The Contention and The True Tra- gedy were by Marlowe and Greene, and that possibly Peele had some share in them; that they are not imperfect representations of the Second and Thii-d Parts of Henry VI.; that Shakespeare had nothing to do with the older plays, and that he was probably helped by Marlowe in altering them into the Second and Third Parts of Henry VI. She gives several resemblances of verbal expression and of thought, in both The Contention and The True Tragedy, to the acknowledged works of Marlowe and of Greene ; and several allusions from both dramatists, especially ivom. Mar- lowe's Edward II., which are eitlier repeated or imitated in The Contention and The True Tragedy. As to the external evidence which teUsagainst Shakespeare having had an3rthing to do with the two older plays, it may be noted that Miss Lee insists very strongly on what Mr. Halli- well-Phillipps pointed out in his Introduction to the republication of The Contention and The True Tragedy (see Hazlitt, pp. 388, 389), namely, that Millington did not put Shake- speare's name to either of these plays, not even in the edition published as late as 1600; that after the year 1598, none of the undisputed plays of Shakespeare, except the* early edition of Borneo and Juliet, and the first edition of Hamlet (Q. 1, 1603^ were published without his name on the title-page; that 'it was not till 1619, or three years after Shakespeare's death, that the Two Parts were published together by Pavier, to whom the copyright had been trans- ferred, with Shakespeare's name on the title- page. This gentleman appears to have done a great business in spurious Shakespearean plays, but not during the poet's lifetime. After his death he published Sir John Oldcastle, The | Yorkshire Tragedy, and The Puritan; stating that they were written by William Shake- speare, though we know that he had nothing on earth to do with any of them. Tlie omission by Meres, writing in 1598, of any mention either of any of the Three Parts of Henry VI. or of The Contention and The True Tnigedy among the list of Shakespeare's plays, although he gives Titus Andronicus, is a strong nega- tive argument against the theorj' that Shake- speare was i)art author of the older plays. Of contemporary allusions to the Second and Third Parts of Henry VI., the most impor- tant is the well-known passage from Greene's Groats- worth of Wit bought with a Million of Bepentaunce: "for there is an vpstart Crow, beautified with our feathers, that with his TygerB heart wrapt in a Players hide, supposes he is as well able to bumbast out a blanke verse as the best of you: and behig an ab- solute Johannes fac totuni, is in his owne con- ceit the onely Shake-scene in a countrie" (Shakspere Allusion Books, Series iv. No. 1, P.30X This passage seems to prove, first, that Gi-eene had a share in the two earlier plays; secondly, that Shakespeare was the person who afterwards adapted them, and perhaps more or less adopted them as his own, in the shape of the Second and Third Parts of Henry VL In the Epilogue to Henry V. (lines 9-14) there is a manifest allusion to all Three Parts of Henry VI. : Henry the Sixth, in infant bands crown'd King Of France and England, did this king succeed; Whose state so many had the managing, That they lost France and made his England bleed : "Which oft our stage hath shown; and, for Uieir sake, In your fair minds, let this acceptance take. This passage seems to prove beyond all doubt, that Shakespeare considered all Three Parts of Henry VI. as at least partly his own. Line 11 seems to refer especially to I. Henry VI.; line 12 to II. Henry VI.; while line 13 seems to imply that more than one play was alluded to. Still it is, perhaps, but fair to admit that the reference may be only to the First Part of Henry VI. ; and that ''(heir sake " might be nothing but a careless use of 5 Digitized by Google KING HENRY VI.—PART II. the plural possessive, or might refer to the characters in the play. The question as to whether Shake8i)eare had any hand in The Contention and The True Tmgedy, as they have come down to us, is one very difficult to determine. On the one hand, there are many passages in the two older plays — one may ahuost say whole scenes — which, as far as we can judge from internal evidence, after making every allowance for the crudity of Shakespeare's style when first writing for the stage, we cannot bring ourselves to believe were written by him. On the other hand, there are speeches and scenes of such merit, many of which we find to have undei^gone little or no alteration in the revised versions, that we feel tempted to claim them for Shake- speare. But what is more important than the mere language of the plays, the characteriza- tion, in two important instances — those of Queen Margaret and Richard, Duke of Glou- cester— is nearly as complete in the older plays aj8 it is in the revised versions. If we hold that The Contention and The True Tragedy were the works of two or more joint authors, not including Shakespeare, it would be unjust to attribute to these joint authors the demerits of the two older plays, and not to credit them with the merits such as they are. It must, in fairness, be granted that whoever wrote the soliloquy of Gloucester in The True Tragedy, to him belongs the credit of the original con- ception of the Richard who is the hero of Richard III. True it is that Shakespeare, in the latter play, may have very much elaborated the character, but all the main features of the intellectual and unscmpulous egotist, who makes love to Lady Anne over the coffin of her late husband, are to be found in the Glou- cester who speaks these remarkable lines (III. Henry VI. v. 6. 81-83): And this word "love," which greybeards call divine, Be resident in men like one another, And not in me: I am myself alone (identically the same as in The True Tragedy, p. 102); while the fascinating hypocrisy, if one may use such an expression, of the murderer of the young princes is epitomized in that line (III. Henry VI. iii. 2. 182): Why, I can smile, and murder whiles 1 smile, 6 nearly word for word the same as in The True Tragedy (p. 64): Tut 1 can smile, and murder when I smile. Also with regard to Queen Margaret; however much her speeches may be improved in the revised editions, and however easily we may trace the touches of Shakespeare's poetic fancy in many scenes in which she figures — in that, for instance, between her and Suf- folk in the Second Part — still we must admit that the resolute and purposeful woman, who struggles so boldly against eveiy difficulty al- most with success, even against the greatest difficulty of all, the paralyzing influence of her too gentle and too conscientious husband, exists in the Margaret of The Contention and The True Tragedy; and that the development of her character in Richard III. is but a develop- ment and not a creation. No one can read carefully The Contention and The True Tra- gedy without perceiving that there are passages where all sense, and rhythm, and metre seem wanting; passages the language of which is of the baldest description. On the other hand, there are also passages evidently written by one who was a master of blank verse, as far as its capacities were then developed ; by one who had no littl^ sense of dramatic effect as well as poetic fancy and vigour. It is also clear, when we compare the revised versions as printed in the Folio with the older plays, that the former are something more than a mere correction of transcribers' or printers' errors, an amplification of scenes or of individual speeches : they are, evidently, the result of a careful revision and partial rewriting by one who wasatoncea poet and a practical dramatist It is therefore a perfectly fair and reasonable theory to suppose that the two plays were, originally, the work of other authors than Shakespeare; while to him belongs the merit of the additions and the improvements found in the revised edition. But it is scarcely fair or reasonable to say that every passage in the older plays, which is of sufficient merit to have been Shakespeare's, and which we cannot assign to any one of his contemporaries, was therefore written by him ; but that for faults in those plays he is in no way responsible. What is Digitized by Google INtRODUCriON. more just and reasonable, and probably nearer the tnitli, is that Shakespeare did assist the authors of the older plays; but that he was at the time an unknown man, and quite unprac- tised in his art He therefore did not carry so much influence with him as did his older and more experienced collaborators, who might fairly expect to receive the far larger share, if not the whole, of the credit attached to the work. But, as Shakespeare advanced in the estimation not only of those connected with the theatres but also of the public, the rumour would get about that he was, at least, part author of The Contention and The True Tra- gedy; and perhaps rather more than his due share of the merit of these plays would have been assigned to him. This could not but have irritated Greene and his other coadjutors; and the well-known passage in Greene's Groats- worth of Wit, already quoted, was the result. Afterwards, when Shakespeare had established his position in the theatre, he would very naturally take up again The Contention and The True Tragedy; and, having conceived the idea of writing a play on the subject of Richard III., would revise them with as much care as his inclination or his other occupations allowed. STAGE HISTORY. There does not appear to be any record of the performance either of The Contention or The True Tragedy, in their unadapted shapea We only know from the title-page of the first edition of The True Tragedy that it had been acted by the Earl of Pembroke's servants sun- dry times before 1595. On none of the title- pages of The Contention is any mention made of its having been performed. It will be ob- served that both 4 1 and Q. 2 of The True Tragedy have on them "The True Tragedy," &c, " with the whole contention between the Houses of Lancaster and York," although they only contain the Second Part properly speak- ing; the third edition of 1619 is also called The Whole Contention, and does include both parts. We may therefore infer that the First Part, usually called The Contention, was acted as well as The True Tragedy, which forms its sequel It is not very probable that the play mentioned by Henslowe (see Introduction to I. Henry VI.) contained any portion of The Contention or of The True Tragedy; and there is no mention of the performance of either the Second or Third Parts of Henry VI. As to the two plays, after they had beeh al- tered by Shakespeare and their titles changed, there is no mention of them in Henslowe, Downes, or Pepys. The only contemporary reference — and that not an over complimentary one — to the performance of these two plays is to be found in the Prologue to Ben Jonson's Every Man In His Humour: Though need make many poets, and some such As art and nature have not better'd much; Yet ours for want hath uot so lov'd the stage, As he dare serve the ill customs of the age, Or piu*chase your deUght at such a rate, As, for it, he himself must justly hate: To make a child now swaddled, to proceed Man, and then shoot up, in one heard and weed. Past threescore years; or, vUh thtre rutttf stooixis. And help of »ome fete fooi and half-foot teordt, Figkt over Vork and Lancatier*$ long jars. And in the tyring-house bring wounds to soars. —Works, vol. i. p. 4. This Prologue will have to be again alluded to with reference to the plays of Henry V. and Winter's Tale. Gifford says that it was prob- ably written in 1596, but does not appear to have been given to the press till 1616; and he maintains that the references are not to Shake- speare's plays, but to others; and that the reference to York and Lancaster's long jars is to the old chronicle plays, that is to say, I suppose, to The Contention and The True Tragedy, and not to Shakespeare's adaptations of those plays. It is quite possible that Gilford may be right At the same time, if Jonson did refer to Shakespeare's plays, there is nothing very malicious in such a reference. It is quite possible that the two poets might still be very good friends, and yet Uioroughly appreciate the very distinct qualities of each other. In fact, as Shakespeare himself, in his own Prologue to Henry V. (spoken by the Chorus), ridicules the scantiness of the devices by which Imttles were represented on the stage, he would, probably, have not regarded it as anything malignant in the older poet, who represented what we might call the ultra 7 Digitized by Google KING HENRY VI.— PART II. classical school, if he did venture to chaff his young rival for availing himself of those me- chanical devices which, in spite of that in- adequacy of which he himself as a dramatist was too sensible, yet pleased the people. Thus much it is as well to say on this subject of the alleged ill feeling between Jonson and Shakespeare, at the first opportunity which occurs; and the subject may now be dismissed with the remark, that a great deal more has been made of this supposed enmity, both by Malone, who first formalized the indictment against Jonson, and by Gifford, who defended his favourite and congenial author with an earnestness almost fanatical. The first record of any performance of the Second and Third Parts of Henry VI. to be found in Genest, is of the version produced by Crowne at Dorset Garden, 1681, which was called " Henry VI. Part IL or The Misery of Civil War," and was a continuation of the play already noticed in the Introduction to I. Henry VI. Although this play was acted during the period included in Downes's historic re- view of the stage, it is not mentioned by him; probably because it was acted only two or three timea In this play, Betterton played the part of the Earl of Warwick; Mra Lee that of Queen Margaret, and Mrs. Betterton that of Lady Grey. Genest gives the follow- ing account: " In this play a good deal is taken verbatim, or with slight alteration, from Sliak- speare, but much less is borrowed than in the former part Crowne in the Prologue says — The Divine Shakspeare did not lay one stone. Which is as impudent a lie as ever was broached — Steevens observes, that surely Shakspeare's works could have been but little read at a period when Crown could venture such an assertion. "Act Ist — Jack Cade opens the play with the scenes in Shakspeare's 2d. part not very materially altered— Young Clifford kills him instead of Iden — but not on the stage — the Duke of York claims the Crown — he is sup- ported by Warwick, and opposed by Clifford. "Act 2d. begins with the battle of St Albans — not materially altered — Edward Plantage- net says — 8 I fought with more dispatch, 'Cause had the battle lasted, 'twould have spoil'd An Assignation that I have to night. "Warwick sees Lady Grey weeping over her husband's dead body, and falls in love with her — Edward enters pulling in Lady Eleanor Butler — he makes violent love to her, but is obliged to leave her just as she is about to ci4)itulate — the King and the Duke of York make the same agreement about the Crown, as they do in the 1st scene of Shakspeare's 3d. part "Act the 3d. begins with the scene at Sandal Castle badly altered — Lady Eleanor Butler enters, to Edward, in a riding dress — Edward protests he will not lose a second opportunity — then follow two scenes by Crown — in one of them — * The scene is drawn, and there ap- pears Houses and Towns burning, Men and Women hang'd upon Trees, and Cliildren on the tops of Pikes.' "Act 4th. — Clifford begins with saying to King Henry Damn your unlucky planets — And a little after Oh ! damn all this— come let us to the battle. After he has received his mortal wound — Edward, Warwick &c. jeer him, (as in Shak- speare) and conclude he must be dead as he does not swear — Crown makes him recover for a moment just to say—* Damnation on you all'— Lady Grey is discovered— Warwick re- news his love, and is again rejected— She is married to King Edward, and as soon as the ceremony is over. Lady Eleanor Butler enters, and reproaches the King for deserting her — Warwick takes Edward prisoner. "Act 6th. — King Henry is restored— Ed- ward makes his escape — then comes the battle at Bamet— Lady Eleanor Butler enters in boy's clothes, and is killed by King Edward, who did not know who she was— he next kills Warwick— Queen Margaret and her Son are brought in prisoners, as in Shak^teare — the scene changes to the Tower — the ghost of Richard the 2d and a good Spirit appear to Henry the 6th— Richard Plantagenet kills him — and King Edwanl concludes the play** Digitized by Google INTRODUCTION. (Genest, vol. L pp. 305, 306). The Second Part is said to have been published in 1680, a year before the First Part; but it is not likely that it was written before. The latter play is full of hits of claptrap, conceived in that spirit of ultra loyalty which distinguished Crowne, and which the eminent virtues of the Merry Monarch were so calculated to excite. The next production of these plays, or of any version of them, was at Drury Lane Theatre, 1723; when a version by Theophilus Cibber was introduced on July 5th, the title of which was, "An Historical Tragedy of the Civil Wars between the Houses of York and Lan- caster in the reign of King Henry 6th — altei'ed fix^m Shakspeare — containing the marriages of King Edward the 4th and Young Prince £dward with Lady Grey and Lady Anne — the distresses of Queen Margaret — the depos- ing of King Henry 6th — the battles fought at St Albans, Wakefield, Mortimer's Cix)ss, and Tewksbury — the deaths of Loixl Clifford of Cumberland and his Son, the Duke of York, his son young Rutland, the great Earl of Warwick, and young Prince Edward and many other true historical passages (B.M.)" (Genest, voL iiL p. 110). Theophilus Cibber was a young man, who does not appear to have ventured on the humorous fi*eaks of originality in which Crowne indulged. The principal additions seem to consist of love scenes between Prince Edward and Lady Amie, the second daughter of Warwick, and a few tedious speeches by the adapter himself. He availed himself to a considerable extent of (Vowne's version. Genest says, "T. Cibber's alteration is a very bad one; he has, however, retained considerably more of the original than Crown had done" (vol. iii. p. 112). The name of Savage appears in the cast as the representative of the Duke of York; and it appears that this was Richard Savage, the poet, who was the friend of Theophilus CHbber, and, possibly, may have assisted him in con- cocting this version of Shakespeare's plays. According to Johnson, Savage was a very bad actor; but, as the Duke of York is killed in act ii., it is quite possible he may have been intrusted with that character. Young Cibber himself played Edward Prince of Wales; and young Wilks played young CliiTord. This ver- sion was only represented once. It appears to have been a long time before any attempt was made to revive these two plays in any shape whatever. In 1818 Edmund Kean appeared at Drury Lane Theatre as Richard Duke of York, in a play with that title. This version was by Mr. Merivale, the grandfather of Mr. Herman Merivale, the dra- matist, and seems to have attained greater suc- cess on the stage than any previous adaptation of Shakespeare's Henry VI. The ftrst act is chiefly taken from I. Henry VI. The rest of the play is mainly taken from II. Heniy VL, with two or three scenes from III. Henry VI. in the last act, which ends with the death of the Duke of York. Of course it was necessary to amplify the principal character to make it worth the while of the great tragedian to un- dertake it; and this has been done, very taste- fully and ingeniously, by the insertion of some well-chosen passages from other Elizabethan dramatists, principally from Cliapman; no other pLay of Shakefti)eare*8 being put under contiibution. In the preface to the published edition of this play Mr. Merivale, in very temperate language, joins issue with some of his critics whose conflicting opinions were cer- tainly difficult to reconcile; one of these in- genious gentlemen, finding fault with the com- piler for modernizing Shakespeare, selected as " his favourite passage in the originaV^ the short scene between York and Rutland, intro- duced with great propriety, fix)m a dramatic point of view, before the nmrder of Rutland; that being one of the very few passages written by Mr. Merivale himself! It would appear from this that the knowledge of Shakespeare, })ossessed by the critics of that day, was neither as wide nor as deep as it is now. Barry Corn- wall, in his Life of Edmund Kean * says (voL ii. p. 178): "Kean produced some striking effects in the part of Richard, and always spoke of it in terms of high eulogium." The cast of "Richartl Duke of York" included, among other well-known names, Wallack as Young Clifford; T. P. Cooke as Buckingham; Munden as Jack Cade; and Mrs. Glover as Margaret 1 The work was published by Hoxon in 1836. 9 Digitized by Google KING HENRY VI.— PART II. of Anjou. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Herman Merivale for the loan of his copy of this play, which contains numerous MS. alterations and additions in the handwriting of his grandfather; the title-page is dated 1817, and the preface refers to various features in the representation of the play and to the criticisms thereon. Mr. Herman Merivale informs me, in a letter, that the play was first represented in 1816, so that the date 1818 given in the Life of Kean above referred to, must, if cor- rect, refer to a revival of the play, not to its first production. The only other occasion on which any version of Henry VI. has been represented, as far as I can discover, was at the Surrey Theatre in 1863, when, under the management of Mr. Anderson, a version of I. Henry VI. was presented, called The Wars of the Roses, and was played some thirty or forty night& Mr. Anderson himself doubled the part of the Duke of York and Jack Cade. In the letter, in which he kindly gives me this information, he adds that " unfortunately the MS. with all books and papers were destroyed when the theatre was burnt down in the year 1864." Whether any manager will think it worth his while to revive any one of the above-men- tioned versions of these plays, or to give a representation of any one of the Three Parts of Henry VI. as Shakespeare revised them, is very doubtful. The number of characters introduced, the violent changes of scene, the confused mass of incidents, and the necessary division of interest among the characters, all tend to make the effective representation of these plays on the stage very difficult. CRITICAL REMARKS. In speaking of these two plays it is evident, from what has been said above as to their authorship, that one cannot treat them, any more than I. Henry VI., as being Shakespeare's own work. I cannot pretend to follow those who venture to portion out the lines of these plays between their different authors. For the purposes of criticism it is quite sufficient to accept the additional passages in F. 1 as being virtually the work of Shakespeare, whe- ther Marlowe assisted him or not in the re- 10 vision. For what he chose to leave of the old plays in the revised editions of them he is responsible, as far as his taste as a poet and his judgment as a dramatist are concerned. Most critics do not hesitate to prefer these two plays, II. Henry VI. and III. Henry VI., to I. Henry VI.; and there is no doubt that they contain many more passages of merit both from a poetical and dramatic point of view; but the nature of their subject prevents them being as sympathetic as I. Henry VI. Indeed, had the sam^ amount of talent and of pains been bestowed upon the latter, it would have more than held its own with the Parts founded upon The Contention and The True Tragedy. But we may take it that not only was the original play, from which Shakespeare worked in the case of I. Henry VI., of inferior merit to those from which he adapted the two other Parts, but also that he bestowed less care upon the First Part than on the Second and Third; and, probably, that he had not, at the time he prepared the former for the stage, made much progress in his art Otherwise, the play, which tells the story of Talbot's glorious victories and heroic death, of Joan of Arc's noble enthusiasm for her country, and of her cruel end, would have taken a much firmer hold upon our sympathies than these two somewhat monotonous records of grasping ambition, mean treachery, and bloodthii-sty cruelty. For, after all, when we come, fresh from a careful reading of them, to look back upon these two plays, with what characters, crowded as they are with many and various individualities, can we sympathize ? Scarcely with the ambitious and disingenuous York; or with Warwick, brave though he be, yet never setting his heart upon anything else but his own selfish ends, changing his allegiance with as little scruple as he changes his armour, whenever it suits his purpose; hardly with the uncles, wrangling over their royal nephew; or with Edward IV., young, brave, and hand- some as he is, but sensual, and only less cruel because more indolent than his scheming, vul- pine brother Richartl. We can care little for Clarence, who fias just enough audacity to be a traitor, without the courage to be loyal; nor do our hearts go out even to Margaret, loyal Digitized by Google INTRODUCTION. and nobly tenacious of purixjee though she be; for the fiendish cruelty with which she tri- umphs over her enemy, York, almost justifies the abuse which is heaped upon her. Henry alone stands out, among the crowd of grasp- ing, intriguing, and cruel men- slayers which surround him, gentle, merciful, thinking of others rather than of himself, shrinking with horror from severity even to those who had deserve*! it; with a heart that bleeds for his country's misfortunes, that is not only wrung with grief at the death of some friend of noble birth, but overflows with pity at the sorrows of the poorest of his unhappy subjects. Yet Henry lacks those qualities which rarely, if ever, coexist with such a character; he has neither resolution nor vigour to cope with the crowd of unscrupulous foes around him. Timid by nature, and morbidly averse to everything that wears the slightest appeamnce of cruelty, he yields when he should resist, entreats when he should command, and laments the crimes that he ought to punish. Among the minor characters, Humphrey of Gloucester stands out, perhaps, as the most prominent ; we are intended to admire him, but the fiiiger-poet which points to his supposed good qualities is rather too obtrusive; and we feel that, in all the eloquent speeches he makes on behalf of his king, he says one word for his sovereign and three for himself. Nor can we quite get over his conduct to his duchess; having raised her from some- thing worse than an insignificant position to that of his wife, we feel that he might be a little more indulgent to her ambition, which is not altogether selfish; and that, in the hour of her humiliation, he might sympathize with her more and preach to her less. Indeed, his con- duct, after her performance of her painful and degrading penance, almost prepares us for his own fate as an act of poetic justice. Figures that, for the moment, attract our sympathy and touch our hearts, like those of the young Rutland, or of Edward Prince of Wales, or of Lady Grey, flit across the crowded scene, and are gone almost before we have time to admire them. It was inevitable, per- haps, from the nature of the subject, that the interest should be dissipated among so many characters, that neither play seems to have any hero at all. Margaret might be made the heroine; but the attempts, clever as they are. that have been made to invest one of the male characters with paramount interest, have al- most inevitably failed. It may seem a strange thing to say, but there is notliing more pathetic in these two plays — except, perhaps, the beautiful episode of the father and son, III. Henry VI. ii. 6.— than the absence of one character, whom we should certainly have expected to have seen taking a prominent part in the stirring inci- dents of those times. I mean Katharine, the young and happy bride of Henry V., so soon left a widow, with nothing but her infant child to comfort her. One remembers the bright scene of her courtship by Henry (Henry V. act v. scene 2); one reads of the enthusiasm and delight '^ith which she was welcomed by the people of England as the beautiful young bride of their genuinely be- loved king; one pictures the exultant pride with which, directly she was well enough to travel, she hastened to France to show her husband their infant child, and the joyous days of festivity passed there : then comes the sudden death of King Henry in the pride of life, ,. and the fair promise of happiness is blighted for ever. For the first two years Katharine seems to have held her proper place as mother of the young king ; but when the child was only three years old the mother was deposed, and Dame Alice Boteller was appointed as governess of the infant monarch. The history of the young queen-dowager's dis- grace is shrouded in mystery; probably her attachment to Owen Tudor, whom she subse- quently married, was thus early discovered. But from an historical as well as from a dra- matic point of view her complete effacement is to be much regretted. The whole face of English history might have been changed, if Katharine could have taken and held the position which, of right, belonged to her. She had the enormous advantage of her dead husband's name to conjure by, and what an advantage it was we learn from the speech of Cliftbrd to Jack Cade's followers. Only give to this queen-mother half the energy and decision of character which Margaret had, and 11 Digitized by Google KING HENRY VI.— PART II. what might she not have achieved for her son's cause? Margaret did much; but it must be remembered that she always hiboured under the great and insuperable disadvantage of being connected, in the public mind, with the disgraceful cession of Enghsh territory to France. Elatharine had come as a foreigner in- deed, but also as a beautiful messenger of peace to England, and a guarantee of her husband's succession to the fair land of France. If, indeed, her misalliance was the sole reason for her being entirely excluded from taking any part in the care and education of her own child, what more striking anomaly can there be, than this relentless enforcement of the decrees of conventional etiquette, in a society which held human life in less respect than was ever the case in any civilized community; in an age when fei-odous cnjelty was the rule rather than the exception ? But Katharine had her revenge: if, unwilling to mix herself with the intrigues of her proud and unscrupulous brothers-in-law, she sought refuge from the turmoil of the life around her in a simple marriage of affection, she became the direct ancestressi of one of the most powerful race of monarchs that ever sat on the English throne. But to return to our main subject: the merit, Hterary and dramatic, of thtse i)lays is no erfect liberty to believe that he had no share in them whatever. Digitized by Google Fini p0tU, M7 niMtcrt, let *s itand close : my lord protector wHI oome thi« vaj by and by .-^( Act i. 3. 1. 2.) KING HENRY VI.-PAET II. ACT I. Scene I. London, A room of state in the Palace, Flouris/i of trumpets: then hautboys. Enter on one side Kino Henry, Humphrey Duke OF Gloster, Salisbury, Warwick, and CABinNAL Beaufort ; on the other, Queen Margaret, led in by Suffolk, York, So- merset, and Buckingham, aivd others fd- loicing. Suf. As from your high imperial majesty I had in charge at my depart for France, As procurator^ to your excellence, To marry Princess Margaret for your grace, [ So, in the famous ancient city Tours, In presence of the Kings of France and Sicil, The Dukes of Orleans, Calaber, Bretagne, Alen^on, Seven earls, twelve barons, and twenty rev- erend bishops,] I have perform'd my task, and was espous'd : And humbly now upon my bended knee, lo In sight of England and her lordly infers, > Procurator, BubstUute, proxy Deliver up my title in the queen 12^ To your most gracious hands, that are the substance Of that great shadow I did i-epresent; The happiest gift that ever nuxrquess gave. The fairest queen that ever king receiv'd. King. Suffolk, ai'ise. — Welcome, Queen Mar- gai*et: I can express no kinder sign of love Than this kind kiss. — O Lord, that lends me life, Lend me a heart replete with thankfulness! 20 For thou hast given me, in this beauteous face, A world of earthly blessings to my soul, If sympathy of love unite our thoughts. Queen. Great King of England and my gra- cious lord, The mutual conference that my mind hath had. By day, by night, waking and in my dreams, In courtly company or at my beads. With you, mine alder-liefest* sovereign. • Alder-Ue/ctft, denrest of all (Anglo-Saxon). 13 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 1. KIN(i HENRY VI.— PART 11. ACT I. Scene 1. Makes me the bolder to salute my king With ruder terms, such as my wit affords 90 And over- joy of heart doth minister. King. Her sight did ravish ; but her grace in speech, [^Her words yclad^ with wisdom's majesty,] Makes me fr6m wondering fall to weeping joys; Such is the fulness of my heart's content Lords, with one cheerful voice welcome my love. AU \^Ktieduig\ Long live Queen Mai^garet, England's happiness ! Queen. We thank you alL [FlourisL Suff. My lord protector, so it pleaite your grax», Here are the articles of contracted peace 40 Between our sovereign and the French king Charles, For eighteen months concluded by consent (Jlo, [reads] ** Imprimis^ It vt agreed between the French king Charles, and William de la Pole, Marquess of Suffolk, ambassador for Henry King of England,— that the said Henry shall espouse the Lady Margaret, daughter unto Reignier King of <" Naples, Sicilia, and Jerusalem, [and crown her ? Queen of England ere the thirtieth of May next ensu- Sing. ] Item^ that the duchy of Anjou and the county of Maine shall be released and delivered to the king her father"— [Lets the paper falL King. Uncle, how now I (Jlo. Pardon me, gracious lord; Some sudden qualm hath struck me at the heart 54 And dimm'd mine eyes, that I can read no further. King. Uncle of Winchester, I pray, read on. Var. [who has picked tip the paper ^ reads] ** Itetn^ It is further agreed between them, that the duchies of Anjou and Maine shall be released and deUvered over to the king her father; and she sent over of the King of England's own proper cost and charges, without having any dowry." (j2 King. They please us well. — Lord mar- quess, kneel thou down : We here create thee the first duke of Suffolk, And gird thee with the sword. Cousin of York, We here discharge your grace from being re- gent I I' the parts of France, till term of eighteen I months . Be full expir'd. — Thanks, uncle Winchester, I [Gloster, York, Buckingham, Somerset, > Salisbury, and Warwick;] 70 ' I We thank you all for this great favour done, In entertainment to my princely queen. Come, let us in; and with all speed provide To see her coronation be perform'd. [Kvetint King, Queen, and Suffolk. Glo. Brave peers of England, pillars of the state. To you Duke Humphrey must unload his grief,— Your grief, the common grief of all Uie land. What! did my brother Henry spend his youth. His valour, coin, and people, in the wars? [ Did he so often lodge in open field, so : In winter's cold and summer's parching heat, '. To conquer France, his true inheritance?] / And did my brother Bedford toil his wits. To keep by policy what Henry got ? Have you yourselves, [Somerset, Bucking-; ham. Brave York, Salisbury, and victorious War- ^ wick,] ; Receiv'd deep scars in France and Normandy ? [ Or hath mine uncle Beaufort and myself, > With all the learned council of the realm. Studied so long, sat in the council-house 90 ' Early and late, debating to and fro* ^ How France and Frenchmen might be kept^ in awe \ - And was his highness in his infancy > Crowned in Paris in despite of foes i ] / And shall these labours and these honoui-s die? Shall Henry's conquest, Bedford's vigilance, Your deeds of war, and all our counsel die? O peers of England, shameful is this league I Fatal this marriage, cancelling your fame, I [ Blotting your names from iMwks of memon', - Hazing the characters of your renown, loi J ; Defacing monuments of conquer'd France, ] Undoing all, as ^ all had never been I Car. Nephew, what means this |)assionate I discourse, 1 rete There 's reason he should be displeaa'd at it 2|( Look to it, lords; let not his smoothing* words Bewitch your hearts; be wise and circimi- spect. What though the common people favour him. Calling him " Humphrey, the good Duke of Gloster," [Clapping their hands, and crying with loud^ voice, 160^ " Jesu maintain your royal excellence 1 " / With "God preserve the good Duke Hum-^ phreyl"] I fear me, lords, for all this flattering gloss," He will be found a dangerous protector. Btt^, Why should he, then, protect our sovereign. He being of age to govern of himself? — Cousin of Somerset, join you with me. And all together, with the Duke of Suffolk, We'll quickly hoise^ Duke Humphrey from his seat. Car, This weighty business will not brook delay; iro I '11 to the Duke of Suffolk presently. [Font. Som, Cousin of Buckingham, though Hum- phrey's pride And greatness of his place be grief to us. Yet let us watch the haughty cardinal: His insolence is more intolerable Than all the princes in the land beside: If Gloster be displac'd, he '11 be protector. * LoTdingg=\oTA^ * Smoothitig, flattering. • Flattering glosi= "speciuos sppearance given lilm by flattery.'* ' Uoute, overthrow; literally, heave. 15 Digitized by Google ACT I. Soeiie 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT I. Scene 1. Buck. Thou or I, Somerset, will be protector, Despite Duke Humj)hrey or the cardinal [Exeunt Budcingkam and Somerset. Sal. Pride ^ went before, ambition^ follows him. 180 While these do labour for their own prefer- ment, Behoves it us to labour for the realm. ( f I never saw but Humphrey Duke of Gloster ^' Did bear him like a noble gentleman. ; Oft have 1 seen the haughty cardinal — ^ More like a soldier than a man o' the church, •' As stout and proud as he were lord of all — J Swear hke a ruffian, and demean^ himself < Unlike the ruler of a commonweal. — \ Warwick, my son, the comfort of my age, 190 (Thy deeds, thy plainness, and thy housekeep- ing** \ Hath won the greatest favour of the commons, [Excepting none but good Duke Humphrey: — [ And, brother York, thy acts in Ireland, /In bringing them to civil discipline; J Thy late exploits done in the heart of France, / When thou werti regent for our sovereign, ^Have made thee fear'd and honour'd of the ' people: — ] Join we together, for the pubUc good. In what we can, to bridle and suppress 200 The pride of Suffolk and the carduial. With Somerset's and Buckingham's ambition; And, as we may, cherish Duke Humphrey's deeds, While they do tend the profit of the land. War. So God help Warwick, as he loves the land, And conmion profit of his country I York. [Aside'] And so says York, for he hath greatest cause. Sal. Then let's away, and look unto the main.^ ^ Q \Yar. Unto the main I O father, Maine is lost; That Maine which by main force Warwick did win, 210 And would have kept so long as breath did last I 1 Pride, i.e. the cardinal See line 201, below. ^Ambition, i.e. Buckingham and Somerset See line 202, below. • Demean, behave. * H [Exeunt Warwick and Salisbury. Vork. Anjou and Maine are given to the French; Paris is lost; the state of Normandy Stands on a tickle ° point now they are gone: Suffolk concluded on^ the aiticles. The peers agreed, and Henr>' was well plea.s'd To change two dukedoms for a duke's fair daughter. 219 I cannot blame them all: what is't to them? f 'Tis thine* they giveaway, and not their own. Pirates may make cheap pennyworths of their pillage. And purchase friends, and give to courtezans, Still revelling, like lords, till all be gone; While as* the silly**^ owner of the goods ^ Weeps over them, and wrings his hapless - hands And shakes his head and trembling stands aloof. While all is shar'd and all is borne away, Ready to starve, and dare not touch his own: So York must sit, and fret, and bite his tongue, 230 While his own lands are bargain'd for and sold.] ; Methinks the realms of England, France, and Ireland Bear that proportion to my flesh and blood As did tl:e fatal brand Althaea burn'd Unto the prince's heart of Calydon.*^ f Anjou and Maine both given unto the^ French ! ; Cold news for me, for I had hope of France, ; Even as I have of fertile England's soil \ A day will come when York shall claim his; own; 239; And therefore I will take the Nevils' parts, ] And make a show of love to proud Duke; Humphrey, ] And, when I spy advantage, claim the cro^Ti, ; For that 's the golden mark I seek to hit: ^ « TickU, ticltllaJi. ' Concluded on. Anally arranped, settled. * Ti« thine; he is addressing himself here. * While as = yfme. 1 > Silly, poor; used as a term of pity, not of oontempi " The prince'ii heart 0/ Calydon, i.e. the heart of the prince of Calydon. Digitized by Google ACT L Soena 2. KING HENRY VL— PART 11. ACT I. Scene 2. ^ Nor shall proud Lancaster iisurp my right, ^ Nor hold the sceptre in his childish fist, 245 ^ Nor wear the diadem upon his head, ,^ Whose church-like humour^ fits not for a ^ crown. ] Then, York, be still awhile, till time do serve: Watch thou and wake, when others be asleep, To pry into the secrets of the state; no Till Henry, surfeiting in joys of love. With his new bride and England's dear-bought queen, And Humphrey with the peers be fall'n at jars:* Then will I raise aloit the milk-white rose. With whose sweet smell the air shall be per- fum'd; And in my standard bear the arms of York, To grapple with the house of Lancaster; And, force perforce,' I '11 make him yield the crown. Whose bookish rule hath puU'd fair England down. [Exit. Scene II. London. A room in (he Duke of Olostefs house. Enter Gloster atid his wife Eleanor. ) Dueh. t^**y droops my lord, like over- ^ ripen'd com, - Hanging the head at Ceres' plenteous load ? ] Why doth the great Duke Humphrey knit his brows. As frowning at the favours of the world ? Why are thine eyes fix'd to the sullen earth, Gazing on that which seems to dim thy sight? What seest thou there ? King Henry's diadem, Enchas'd with all the honours of the world? If so, gaze on, and grovel on thy face. Until thy head be circled with the same, lo J [[Put forth thy hand, reach at the glorious ; gold:— ^ What, is 't too short ? I '11 lengthen it with mine ; J And, having both together heav'd it up, J We '11 both together lift our heads to heaven, J And never more abase our sight so low SAs to vouchsafe one glance unto the ground.] 1 Humour, diBpoBliion. > FaWn at jan, fallen into a quarrel. » Foree per/oree - by very force. ^ VOL, II. ^ Olo. O Nell, sweet Nell, if thou dost love thy lord. Banish the canker of ambitious thoughts ! And may that thought, when I imagine i!t Against my king and nephew, virtuous Heur}', Be my last breathing in this mortal world ! 21 Dueh. Why droops mj lord?— (Act !. 2. 1.) My troublous dream this night doth make me sad. Duch. What dream'd my lord? tell me, and I '11 requite it With sweet rehearsal of my morning's dream. Olo. Methought this staff, mine office- badge in court. Was broke in twain; by whom I have forgot. But, as I think, 't was by the cardinal; And on the pieces of the broken wand 17 24 Digitized by Google ACT 1. Scene 2. KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT I. Scene S. Were plac'd the heads of £dmund Duke of Somerset, 29 And William de {a Pole, first duke of Suffolk. This was my dream: what it doth bode, God knows. JhicL Tut, this was nothing but an argu- ment^ That he that breaks a stick of Gloster's grove Shall lose his head for his presumption. ;^tBut list to me, my Humphrey, my sweet ; duke: ;!Methought I sat in seat of majesty '^ In the cathedral church of Westminster, .' And in that chair where kings and queens are > crown'd; ^ There Henry and Dame Margaret kneePd to \ me, ^ And on my head did set the diadem. 40 ; Glo, Nay, Eleanor, then must I chide out- > right: ^Presumptuous dame, ill-nurtur'd* Eleanor, ? Art thou not second woman in the realm, }. And the protector's wife, belov'd of him ? ( Hast tliou not worldly pleasure at command, ^ Above the reach or compass of thy thought? And wilt thou still be hammering' treachery. To tumble down thy husband and thyself From top of honour to disgrace's feet? Away from me, and let me hear no more ! 50 Duch. What, what, my lord! are you so choleric With Eleanor, for telling but her dream? Next time I '11 keep my dreams unto myself, ^ And not be check'd.* \ Olo, Nay, be not angry; I am pleas'd again.2| Enter Messenger, Mess. My lord protector, 't is his highness' pleasure You do prepare to ride unto Saint Alban's, Where as^ the king and queen do mean to hawk. Glo, I go. — Come, Nell, — thou 'It ride with us, I 'm sure ? DticL Yes, my good lord, I '11 follow pre- sently. [Eateunt Gloster and Messenger. Follow I must; I cannot go before, 61 1 Arg%iment=% sign In proof, s lUnurtw^d, ill-educated. 4 Cheek'd, rebuked. s Ilainmering, forging. * Where at, where. While Gloster bears this base and humble mind. 6i Were I a man, a duke, and next of blood, I would remove these tedious stumbling-blocks. And smooth my way upon their headless necks, Beuig but a woman, I will not be alack To play my part in Fortune's pageant." — Where are you there? Sir John! nay, fear not, man. We are alone; here 's none but thee and I. Enter Hume. Hume. Jesus preserve your royal majesty ! Diic/i. What say'st thou? majesty I I am but grace.^ 7i Hume. But, by the grace of God, and Hume's advice. Your grace's title shall be multiplied. DuA^L What say'st thou, man ? hast thou as yet conferr'd With Margery Jourdain, the cunning witch. With Roger Bolingbroke, the conjurer? And will they undertake to do me good? Hume. This they have promised, — to sliow your highness A spirit rais'd from depth of under-ground. That shall make answer to such questions 80 As by your grace shall be propounded him. Duch, It is enough; I'll think upon the questions: When from St. Alban's we do make return. We 'U see these things effected to the fulL Here, Hume, take this reward ; make merry, man. With thy confederates in this weighty cause. [Exit. Hume. Hume must make merry with the duchess' gold; Marry, and shall, f ^^^ ^^^ "^^> ^^^^ *^^^"^ ' Hume! ^ Seal up your lips, and give no words but mum :] J The business asketh silent secrecy. 90 Dame Eleanor gives gold to bring the witch: Gold cannot come amiss, were she a deviL Yet have I gold flies from another coast:— I dare not say, from the rich cardinal < Pageant, here a trisyllable. ' But grace, i.e. but a duchew. 18 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 8. KING HENRY VI.— PART IL ACT I. Scene 8. And from the great and new-made Duke of Suffolk; 95 ^Q Yet I do find it 8o: for, to be plain, ^They, knowing Dame Eleanor's aspiring hu- ^ mour, ^ Have hired me to undermine the duchess, ^ And buz these conjurations in her brain. .They say "A crafty knave does need no i broker;" lOO ^ Yet am I Suffolk and the cardinal's broker. ( Hume, if you take not heed, you shall go near 'To call them both a pair of crafty knaves. ] Well, 80 it stands; and thus, I fear, at last Hume's knavery will be the duchess' wrack. And her attain ture' will be Humphrey's fall : Sort^ how it will, I shall have gold for alL [ExU. Scene III. London, A /tall in the Palace, Enter three or four Petitioners^ Peter, the Armourer's man, being one. First Petit. My masters, let 's stand close : my lord protector will come this way by and by, and then we may deliver our supplications in the quill.' Sec. Petit. Marry, the Lord protect him, for he 's a good man ! Jesu bless him! Enter Suffolk and Queen. First Petit. Here a' comes, methinks, and the queen with him. I '11 be the first, sure. Sec. Petit. Come back, fool; this is the Duke o! Suffolk, and not my lord protector. lo Suf. How now, fellow I wouldst any thing with me? First Petit, I pray, my lord, pardon me ; I took ye for my lord protector. Queen. For my Lord Protector I Are your supplications to his lordship? Let me see them: — what is thine? I Q First Petit. Mine is, an 't please your grace, j against John Goodman, my lord cardinal's jman, for keeping my house, and lands, and < wife and all, from me. 21 < Suf. Thy wife too! tliat's some wrong, < indeed. What's yours? What's herel [Reads] » Her attaiiiture, i e. her being attainted, or impeached for treason. « Sort, turn out, befall. * In the quUl, le. in a body. ** Against the Duke of Suffolk, for enclosing theS commons of Melford." How now, sir knave ! S Sec. Petit. Alas, sir, I am but a poor peti- ) tioner of* our whole township. ] f Peter. [Giving his petition] Against my master, Thomas Homer, for saying that the Duke of York was rightful heir to the crown. Queen. What say'st thou { did the Duke of York say he was rightful heir to the crown ? Peter. That my master was? no, forsooth: my master said that he was, and that the king was an usurper. Suf. Who is there? [Fnter Servant.] Take this fellow in, and send for his master with a pursuivant* presently:** We '11 hear more of your matter before the king. [Eant Servant with Peter, Queetu And as for you, that love to be pro- tected 40 Under tlie wings of our protector's grace, Begin your suits anew, and sue to him. [Tears the supplications. Away, base cullions!^ — Suffolk, let them go. All. Come, let 's be gone. [Exeunt. Queetu My Lord of Suffolk, say, is this the guise, Is this the fashion in the court of England ? Q Is this the government of Britain's isle, ^ And this the royalty of Albion's king?] ] What, shall King Henry be a pupil still, Under the surly Gloster's governance? so Am I a queen in title and in style. And must be made a subject to a duke? Q I tell thee, Pole, when in the city Tours \ Thou ran'st a tilt in honour of my love > And stol'st away the ladies' hearts of France, > I thought King Henry had resembled thee ^ In courage, courtship,® and proportion:' But all his mind is bent to holiness. To number Ave- Maries on his beads: His champions are the prophets and apostles;^ His weapons holy saws of sacred writ; «i^ His study is his tilt-yard, and his loves ^ Are brazen images of can6niz'd saints. ^ I would the college of the cardinals \ * 0/=for. « PxtrtuitatU, an officer of state who executes warrants. * Premntly, immediately. ' CuUioTii, wretches: a term of contempt. * Courtship, courtliness. * Proportion, shape, form. 19 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 3. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT L Scene 3. J Would chooae him pope, and carry him to < Rome, 05 (And set the triple crown upon his head: (That were a state fit for his holiness. ] Suf, Madam, be patient:' as I was cause Your highness came to England, so will I In England work your grace's full content. Queen, Besides the haught protector, have we Beaufort 71 The imperious churchman, Somerset, Buck- ingham, And grumbling York; and not the least of these But can do more in England than the king. ^S^. And he of these that can do most of all Cannot do more in England than the Nevils: Salisbury and Warwick are no simple peers. Queen. Not all these lords do vex me half so much As that proud dame, the lord protector's wife. She sweeps it through the court with troops of ladies, so More like an empress than Duke Humphrey's wife: Strangers in court do take her for the queen: She bears a duke's revenues on her back, And in her heart she scorns our poverty : Shall I not live to be aveng'd on her ? it Contemptuous baae-born callat^ as she is, She vaunted 'mongst her minions t'other day, Tlie very train of her worst wearing gown Was better worth than all my father's lands. Till Suflfblk gave two dukedoms for his daugh- ^ ter. ] 90 Suf. Madam, myself have lim'd^ a bush for her, And plac'd a quire of such enticing birds, That she will light to listen to their lays. And never mount to trouble you again. So, let her rest: and, madam, list to me, For I am bold to counsel you in this. Although we fancy not the cardinal, Yet must we join with him and with the lords. Till we have brought Duke Humphrey in dis- grace. As for the Duke of York, — this late complaint I Patient, here a trisyllable, a Otllat, strumpet. * Lim'd, BHieared wltii bird-lime. 20 Will make but little for his benefit loi So, one by one, we '11 weed them all at last, And you yourself shall steer the happy helm. Sound a sennet Enter King Henry, York» and Somerset, conversing with him; Dukil and Duchess of Gloster, Cardinal Beau- fort, BucKiNQHAM, Salisburt, and War- wick. King. For my part, noble lords, I care not which; Or Somerset or York, all 's one to me. York. If York have ill demean'd^ himself in France, Then let him be denay'd* the regentship. Som. If Somerset be unworthy of the place^ Let York be regent; I will yield to him. War. Whether your grace be worthy, yea or no, no Dispute not that: York is the worthier. Car. Ambitious Warwick, let thy bettei*8. If err. The cardinal's not my better in the field. Buck. All in this presence are thy betters,, Warwick. War. Warwick may live to be the best of all. Sal. Peace, son! — and show some reason,. Buckingham, Why Somerset should be prefer'd in this. Queen. Because the king, forsooth, will have it so. Glo. Madam, the king is old enough him- self To give his censure:* these are no women's matters. 120 Queen. If he be old enough, what needs your grace To be protector of his excellence? Olo. Madam, I am protector of the realm p And, at his pleasure, will resign my place. Stif. Resign it, then, and leave thine inso- lence. Since thou wert king, — as who is king but thou 1 — The commonwealth hath daily run to wi'ack ; The Dauphin hath prevail'd beyond the seas ; < Demean'd, behaved. » Denay'd, denied. « Cengure, opinion. Digitized by Google ACT I. Boene 3. KING HENRY VI.-PART IL ACT I. Scene 8. And all the peers and nobles of the realm Have been as bondmen to thy sovereignty. Car. The commons hast thou rack'd,^ the clergy's bags 131 Are lank and lean with thy extortions. Sonu Thy sumptuous buildings and thy wife's attire Have cost a mass of public treasury.^ Biick, Thy cruelty in execution Upon offenders hath exceeded law, And left thee to the mercy of the law. (^ueetu Thy sale of offices and towns in France — If they were known, as the suspect' is great — Would make thee quickly hop without thy head. [E:nt Glo€ter, The Queen drops her fan. [To the Duche$s] Give me my fan: what, minion! can ye not? ui [She gives the Duchess a box on the ear. 1 cry you mercy, madam; was it you? Duch. Was t II yea, I it was, proud French- woman: C Could I come near your beauty with my I Id set my ten commandments* in your face.] Eing. Sweet aunt, be quiet; 'twas against her wilL Duch. Against her will! good king, look to't in time; Shell hamper thee, and dandle thee like a baby: [Though in tliis place most master^ wear* no ) breeches, ] She shall not strike Dame Eleanor unre- veng'd. 150 [ExU. Buck. Lord cardinal, I will follow Eleanor, And listen after ^ Humphrey, how he pro- ceeds: She's tickled^ now; her fury needs no spurs. She 'U gallop fast enough to her destruction. [Exit. > Radc'd, oppressed with exactions. « Treasury, treasure. « Suspect, suspicion. * My ten commandmetiU, my ten ftngers, a caot phrase. * Mo9t nuuUr, one who is most master, i.e. the queen. * irear.3nl person singular, subjunctive mood. ' Listen after, gain information about * TiekUd, irritated. Re-enter Glotter. ^Ulo. Now, lords, my choler being over-S blown ] With walking once about the quadrangle, S I come to talk of commonwealth affairs. / As for your spiteful false objections, > Prove them, and I lie open to the law: > But God in mercy so deal with my soul, 100^ As 1 in duty love my king and country! > But, to the matter that we have in hand : — ^ I say, my sovereign, York is meetest* man ) To be your regent in the realm of France. ^ tSuf. Before we make election, give me^ leave j To show some reason, of no little force, ] That York is most unmeet"* of any man. ( York. I '11 tell thee, Suffolk, why I am un-; meet: ^ First, for" I cannot flatter thee in pride; ^ Next, if I be appointed for the place, 170 J My Lord of Somerset will keep me here, ; Without discharge,** money, or fumitiure,'^ |I Till France be won into the Dauphin's hands :^ Last time I danc'd attendance on his will ; Till Paris was besieg'd, famish'd, and lost ', War. That can I witness; and a fouler fact"; Bid never traitor in the land commit ] Suf. Peace, headstrong Warwick ! ^ War. Image of pride, why should I hold> my peace { ] ^ Enter ^Servants ofSvffolk^ bringing in Horner, the Armourer y and his man Peter. /S'm/. Because here is a man accus'd of trea- son: 180 Pray God the Duke of York excuse himself! York. Doth any one accuse York for a traitor? King. What mean'st thou, Suffolk? tell me, what are these? /S'm/ Please it your majesty, this is the man That doth accuse his master of high treason: His words were these, — Richard Duke of York • Meeteet, i.e. the fittest >c Utimeet, unfit " For, because. IS Discharge; the meaning is doubtful. See note 80. i< Furniture, equipment i< Fact, deed. 21 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 3. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT I. Scene 3. Was rightful heir unto the English crown, 187 And that your majesty was an usurper. King. Say, man, were these thy words? Hor. An't shall please your majesty, I never said nor thought any such matter: Grod is my witness, I am falsely accus'd by the yillaiu. Pet. By these ten bones,^ my lords, he did speak them to me in the garret one night, as we were scouring my Lord of York's armour. York. Base dunghill villain and mechanical,^ I'll have thy head for this thy traitor's speech. — I do beseech your royal majesty, Let him have all the rigour of the law. 199 Hor. Alas, my lord, hang me, if ever I spake the words. My accuser is my 'prentice; and when I did correct him for his fault the other day, he did vow upon his knees he would be even with me: I have good witness of this: therefore I beseech your majesty, do Spir. Aik what thoa wUt. That 1 had taid and done i —(Act i. 4. SI.) not cast away an honest man for a villain's accusation. King. Uncle, what shall we say to this in law ? Glo. This doom,' my lord, if I may judge: Let Somerset be regent o'er the French, Because in York this breeds suspicion: 210 And let these have a day appointed them For single combat in convenient place. For he hath witness of his sen^ant's malice: This is the law, and this Duke Humphrey's dooHL^ [The King hows assent to Gloster^s judg- ment^ and then turns to Somerset. 1 By these ten bones, i.e. by tiiese ten fingers; an old form of oath. * MeehaniccU, mechanic. " Dome, my masters; the duchess, I tell you, expects performance of your pro- mises. Boling. Master Hume, we are therefore provided : will her ladyship behold and hear our exorcisms? Hume, Ay, what else? fear you not her courage. Boling. I have heard her reported to be a woman of an invincible spirit: but it shall be convenient,* Master Hume, that you be by her aloft, while we be busy below; and so, I pray you, go, in God's name, and leave us. [Eani JIume.] Mother Jourdain, be you pros- trate, and grovel on the earth; — John South- well, read you; — and let us to our work. Enter Duchess abovey Hume following. Duch, Well said, my masters; and welcome alL To this gear,* — ^the sooner the better. Boling. Patience, good lady; wizards know their times: Deep night, dark night, the silent' of the night, 19 The time of night when Troy was set on fire; The time when screech-owls cry, and ban- dogs* howl. And spirits walk, and ghosts break up^ their graves, That time best fits the work we have in hand. Madam, sit you and fear not: whom we raise. We will make fast within a halloVd verge. [Here they do the ceremonies belonging, and make the circle; Bolingbroke or South- well reads, Conjuro te, &c. It thun- ders and lightens terribly; then the Spirit riseth. 1 Convenient, flt» proper. * Qear, bosineM. * Silent = silence. * Ban-doge, masUffs; UtenOly, dogs chained up. * Break up, brealc open. Spir. Adsum.^ M. JmLrd. Asmath,^ By the eternal God, whose name and power Thou tremblest at, answer that I shall ask; For, till thou speak, thou shalt not pass from hence. 30 Spir. Ask what thou wilt That® I had said and done ! Boling. [Reading out of a paper.] " First of the king: what shall of him become?" <^r. The duke yet lives that Henry shall depose; But him outlive, and die a violent death. [As the Spirit speaks, Southwell vrites the answer. Boling. "What fates await the Duke of Suffolk?" Spir. By water shall he die, and take his end. Boling. ' ' What shall befall the Duke of Somerset 't " Spir. Let him shun castles; Safer shall he be upon the sandy plains Than where castles mounted stand. 40 Have done, for more I hardly can endure. Boling. Descend to darkness and the burn- ing lake ! False fiend, avoid !^ [ Thunder and lightning. Kvit Spirit. Enter the Duke of York, the Duke of Buck- ingham, William Stafford, and others, vrith their Guard and break in. York. Lay hands upon these traitors and their trash. [To M. Jourdain] Beldam, I think we watch'd you at an inch.^^ [ToZhichess] What, madam, are you there? the king and commonweal Are deeply indebted for this piece of pains: My lord protector will, I doubt it not. See you well guerdoned" for these good deserts. Ihieh. Not half so bad as thine to England's king, 60 Injurious*Muke,thatthreatest where 'snocause. Buck. [Examining the written papers] True, madam, none at all: what call you this? [Holding up a paper, * Adsum, " I am here." ' Aemath, the name of an eril spirit. *That= would that * A void, begone. 10 ^( an inch, In the nick of time, it Ouerdon'd, rewarded. u JnjurUntt, insulting. 23 'Digitized by Google ACT I. Soeue 4. KING flENBY VI.— PART II. ACT II. Soone 1. York, Away with them ! let them be di^p'd up close, 54 And kept asunder. You, madami, shall with n& [To Stafford] Stafford, take her to thee. [Exeunt above, William Stafford tnth Duchess and Hume, guarded. We '11 see your trinkets here all forthcoming. All, away! — [ExeutU guard with Jotirdain, SoiUhwdly HardUy, audaciously. s Flying at the brook, i.e. hawking at wild fowl. « Had not gone out, "would not hare taken flight at the game." < Pitch, the height to which a falcon soars before attack- ing its prey. * Fainqf, i.e. fond ot 24 Suf. No marvel, an it like^ your majesty, My lord protector's hawks do tower* so well; 10 They know their master loves to be aloft. And bears his thoughts above his falcon's pitch.* Glo. My lord, 't is but a base ignoble mind That mounts no higher than a bird can soar, t Car. I thought as much ; he would be above \ the clouds. < Oh. Ay, my lord cardinal, — how think you ] by that?o $ Were it not good your grace could fly to hea- i ven? ; King. The treasury of everlasting joy. ] ^ Car, Thy heaven is on earth; thine eyes and thoughts Beat on^° a crown, the treasure of thy heart; 20 7 An U like. If it please * By that, about that • Tower, fly high. 10 Beat on, are intent upon. Digitized by Google ACT II. Scene 1. KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT II. Scene 1. £ Pernicious^ protector, dangerous peer, 21 That smoothest ^ it so with king and common- weal!] (Jlo. What, cardinal, is your priesthood grown peremptory? Tantfenc animu calentibus irceP Churchmen so hot ? good uncle, hide such ma- lice; VViUi so much holiiiess can you not do it? Suf, No malice, sir; no more than well be- comes So good a quarrel and so bad a peer. (ilo. As who, my lord ? JSuf. Why, as you, my lord, An 't like your lordly lord-protectorship. 30 Olo. Why, Suffolk, England knows thine insolence. Queen. And thy ambition, Gloster Queen. Believe me, lords, for flying at the brook, I saw not better iport these seven years' day —(Act ii. 1 1, S.) Kiiig. Prithee, jieace, Giood queen, and whet not on these furious peers; 33 [ For blessed are the peacemakers on earth. / Car. Let me be blessed for the peace I make. Against this proud protector, with my sword I ; Gio. \^Aiide to Car."] Faith, holy uncle, would j; 't were come to thati ;! Car. [Aside to 6^/0.] Marry, when thou { dar'st. 1 Peniieiouty pronounced as a quadrisyllable, s Smooth'gt, flatter«st 3 •♦Can there be such passions in heavenly minds?" (Virgil, £neid. L 15). O'lo. [Aside to Car.] Make up no factious) numbers* for the matter; 40; In thine own person answer thy abuse. ; Car. [Adde to O'lo.] Ay, where thou dar'st) not peep: an if ^ thou dar'st, / This evening, on the east side of the grove. ^ Kitiff. How now, my lords! ^ Car. Believe me, cousin Gloster, < Had not your man put up the fowl so sud-< denly, ^ We had had more sport. — [A side to Olo.] Come ^ with thy two-hand sword. < * Make up no faetunu numbert, i.e. ' gether a band of factious retainers." i An if ^hniil. 25 'do not get to- Digitized by Google ACT II. Soene 1. KING HENRY VL— PART IL ACT II. 8ceue 1. S Olo, True, uncle. I Car, [Aside to Olo.] Are ye advis'd?* — the > east side of the grove ? > Olo. [Aside to Car.\ Cardinal, I am with you. ) Kififf. Why, how now, uncle Gloster! > Olo. Talking of hawking; nothing else, my ) lord. — 50 ^ [Aside to Car.] Now, by God's mother, priest, I 'U shave your crown for this, r Or all my. fence* shall fail ( Car. [Aside to Olo.] Medice, teipsum^ — ( Protector, see to 't well, protect yourself. < King. The winds grow high; so do your stomachs,* lords. ] How irksome is this music to my heart! When such strings jar, what hope of harmony? I pray, my lords, let me compound this strife. 'T Enter a Townsman of Saint Alban\ crying^ \ "J mii-ade!'' ' Olo. What means this noise ? Fellow, what miracle dost thou proclaim ? 60 ^ Towns. A miracle I a miracle I \ Suf. Come to the king; tell him what mir- ; acle. ; Towns. Forsooth, a blind man at Saint Al- J ban's shrine, s Within this half-hour, hath received his sight; ; A man that ne'er saw in his life before. ^ King. Now, God be prais'd, that to believ- > ing souls ; Gives light in darkness, comfort in despair! (Enter the Mayor of Saint Alhan^s and his \ brethren; and Simpcox, borne between two \ persons in a chair ^ his Wife and a crowd following. Car. See where the townsmen, on proces- <; sion, J Come to present your highness with the man. ^ King. Great is his comfort in this earthly J vale, 70 ^Although by sight his sin bd multiplied. J Olo. Stand by, my masters: bring him near ^ the king; ^ His highness' pleasure is to talk with him. 1 Art ye advit'dt i.e. do you understand? * Pence, skill in fencing. s Mediee, teiptum, " Physidui, [core] thyself ** (St Lnke, It 23). * Stomacht, jmgry tempers. 26 King. Good fellow, tell us here the circum- stance, 74 That we for thee may glorify the Lord. What, hast thou been long blind, and now re- stor'd? Simp. Bom blind, an 't please yoijr grace. Il'i/e. Ay, indeed, was he. Suf. What woman is this ? Wife. His wife, an 't like your worship, so Olo. Hadst thou been his mother, thou couldst have better told. . King. Where wert thou bom ? ^ Simp. At Berwick in the north, an 't like ' your grace. King. Poor soul, God's goodness hath been < great to thee: ; Let never day nor night unhallowed pass, ;; But still remember what the Lord hath^ done. ^ Queen. Tell me, good fellow, cam'st thou^ here by chance, Or of devotion, to this holy shrine ? > Simp. God knows, of pure devotion; beuig! call'd A hundred times and of tener, in my sleep, w ; By good Saint Alban; who said, "Simpcox, come, — / Come, offer at my shrine, and I will help thee." '> Wife. Most true, forsooth; and many time'! and oft Myself have heard a voice to call him «o. '? Car. What, art thou lame? Simp. Ay, God Almighty help me!^, Suf. How cam'st thou so? ^ Siinp. A fall off of a tree. Wife. A plum-tree, master. Olo. How long hast thou been blind ? Simp. O, bom so, master. Olo. What, and wouldst climb a tree? Simp. But that^ in all my life, when I was a youth. ^ Wife. Too true; and bought his climbing very dear. loo'^ Olo. Mass, thou loVdst plums well, that wouldst venture so. > Simp. Alas, good master, my wife desiiM^ some damsons, \ And made me climb, with danger of my life. \ * But that. %.€. only that (tree). Digitized by Google ACT 11. Soeue 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT II. Scene I. ^ Glo. A subtle knave! but yet it shall not ; serve. — 1C4 Let me see thine eyes: wink* now: now open them: < In my opinion yet thou seest not well. ' Simp. Yes, master, clear as day, I thank / God and Saint Alban. ' Olo. Say'st thou me so? What colour is this cloak of? Simp. Red, master; red as blood. no Glo, Why, that 's well said. What colour is my gown of? I Simp. Black, forsooth : coal-black as jet. / King. Why, then, thou know'st what colour ' jet is of ? / Suf. And yet, I think, jet did he never see. / Glo, But cloaks and gowns, before this day, / a many. '*A Miracle! "-Act ii. 1 IBS. Wife. Never, before this day, in all his life. Glo. Tell me, sirrah, what's my name? Simp. Alajs, master, I know not. Glo. What's his name? [ Pointing to Suffolk. Simp. I know not 120 Glo. Nor his? [Pointing to the Cardinal. Simp. No, indeed, master. Glo. What's thine own name? Simp. Samider Simpcox, an if it pleajse you, master. Glo. Then, Saunder, sit thei*e, the lying'st knave in Christendom. If thou hadst been bom blind, thou mightst as well have known all our names as thus to name the several colours we do wear. Sight may distinguish of Wink, shut them. colours; but suddenly to nominate them all, it J is impossible. — My lords, Saint Alban here^ hath done a miracle; and would ye not think ^ his cunning to be great, that could restore this^ cripple to his legs again ? Simp. O master, that you could ! ^ Glo. My masters of Saint Alban's, have you not beadles in your town, and things called whips? i May. Yes, my lord, if it please your grace. Glo. Then send for one presently. 189 ! Ma}f. Sirrah, go fetch the beadle hither- straight \Exit an AttencUoU. > Glo. Now fetch me a stool hither by and by.* ; [A stool is hrmtght by one of the Attendants] > Now, sirrah, if you mean to save yourself J * By and hy, immedittely. 27 Digitized by Google ACT II. Boone 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT II. Scene 1. '/from whipping, leap me over this stool and /run away. 144 / Simp. Alas, master, I am not able to stand / alone: ^ You go about to torture me in vain. Re-enter AttendaiU wiih a Beadle who carrier a whip. Glo. Well, sir, we must have you find your legs. — Sirrah beadle, whip him till he leap over that same stool Bead. I will, my lord. Come on, sirrah; oflf with your doublet quickly. isi Simp. Alas, master, what shall I do ? I am not able to stand. [After the Beadle hath hit him once, he leaps over t/ie stool atid runs aicat/; and the people foUow and cry^ "J King. O Grod, seeet thou this, and bear'st so long? Queen. It made me laugh to see the villain run. ^ Glo. Follow the knave; and take this drab j away. \ Wife. Alas, sir, we did it for pure need. ] Glo. Let them be whipp'd through eveiy ^market-town, till they come to Berwick, from I whence they came. i to-day. > Suf. True; made the lame to leap and fly / away. > Glo. But you have done more miracles } than I; < You made, my lord, in a day whole towns to < fly- 3 Enter Buckingham. King. What tidings with our cousin Buck- in^iam^ Buck. Such as my heart doth tremble to unfold. A sort* of naughty^ persons, lewdly ^ bent. Under the countenance and confederacy •Of Lady £leanor, the protector's wife. » Sort, company. « yaughty, worthless. * LewUy, wickedly. 28 The ringleader and head of all this rout, 170 Have practis'd* dangerously against your state. Dealing with witches and with conjurers: Whom we have apprehended in the fact; Raising up wicked spirits from under ground, Demanding of King Henry's life and death, And other of your highness' privy-council ; As more at large your grace shall understaucL Car. And so, my lord protector, by this means Your lady is forthcoming yet at London. [Aside to Glo.] This news, I think, hath turn'd your weapon's edge; iso Tis like, my lord, you will not keep your hour. Glo, Ambitious churchman, leave to afflict my heart: Sorrow and grief have vanquish'd all my powers; And, vanqui«h'd as I am, I yield to thee. Or to the meanest groom. Kitig. O (iod, what mischiefs work the wicked ones, Heaping confusion on their own heads there- by! Queen Gloster, see here the tainture* of thy nest. And look thyself be faultless, thou wert best Glo. Madam, for myself, to heaven I do ap- peal, 190 How I have lov'd my king and commonweal : And, for my wife, I know not how it stands; Sorry I am to hear what I have heard: Noble she is, but if she have forgot Honour and virtue, and convers'd with such As, like to pitch, defile nobility, I banish her my bed and company. And give her, as a prey, to law and shame. That hath dishonoured Gloster's honest name. King. Well, for tliis night we will repose us here: 200 To-morrow toward London back again. To look into this business thoroughly. And call these foul offenders to their answers; And poise the cause in justice' equal scales, Whose beam stands sure, whose rightful cause prevails. [Flourish. Ereunt. * Practit^d, plotted. & Tainture, defilement. Digitized by Google ACT II. Seene 2. KING HENRY VI.~PART II. ACT II. Soene 2. ^[ Scene II. London, The Duke of York's < garden. I Enter York, Salisbury, and Warwick. ; York, Now, my good Lords of Salisbury and I Warwick, ' Our simple supper ended, give me leave ^ In this close walk, to satisfy myself, '' In craving your opinion of my title. Which is infallible, to England's crown. SaL My lord, I long to hear it told at full. War, Sweet York, begin: and if thy claim be good, The Nevils are thy subjects to command. York. Then thus:— 9 Edward the Third, my lords, had seven sons: The first, Edward the Black Prince, Prince of Wales; The second, William of Hatfield ; and the third> War. Then, father Salitbary. kneel we together, Asd, in thla prirate plot, be we the tint Lionel Duke of Clarence; next to whom 13 Was John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster; The fifth was Edmund Langley, Duke of York ; The sixth was Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of , Gloster; / William of Windsor was the seventh and last ^Edward the Black Prince died before his !i father; r And left behind him Richard, his only son, ; Who after Edward the Third's death reign'd j as king ; 20 ^Till Henry Bolingbroke, Duke of Lancaster, That shall mlute our rightful rovereigu With honour of hit birthright to the crown.HAct iL S. »-«l). The eldest son and heir of John of Gaunt, 22^ Crow^n'd by the name of Henry the Fourtli, ^^ Seiz'd on the realm, depos'd the rightful king, / Sent his poor queen to France, from whence > she came, / And him to Pomf ret ; where, as all you know, ^ Was harmlesH Richard munler'd traitorously. ^ H ar. Father, the Duke of York hath told j! the truth; ( Thus got the House of Lancaster the crown. ? York, Which now they hold by force and> not by right; 30^ 29 Digitized by Google ACT 11. Soeue 2. KING HENRY VI.— PART 11. ACT 11. Sceue S. ; For Richard, the first son's heir, being dead, ; The issue of the next son should have reign'd. < ;SaL But William of Hatfield died without J an heir. 83 i York. The third son, Duke of Clarence, — j from whose line fl claim the crown, had issue, Philippe, a ^ daughter, '^Who married Edmund Mortimer, Earl of < March: ^Edmund had issue, Roger Earl of March; . Roger had issue, Edmund, Anne and Eleanor. *Sal, This Edmund, in the reign of Boling- ^ broke, /'As I have read, laid claim unto the crown; 40 / And, but for Owen Glendower, had been king, I Who kept him in captivity till he died. ( But to the rest < Yorh His eldest sister, Anne, \ My mother, being heir unto the crown, (Married Richard Earl of Cambridge; who was < son \ To Edmund Lrfuigley, Edward the Third's fifth ;; son. \ By her I claim the kingdom: she was heir J To Roger Earl of March, who was the son ; Of Edmund Mortimer, who married Philippe, , Sole daughter unto Lionel Duke of Clarence: , So, if the issue of the elder son 51 \ Succeed before the younger, I am king. / Tfar. What plain proceeding is more plain ; than this? ^ Henry doth claim the crown from John of ( Gaunt, /The fourth son; while York claims it from the \ third. /Till Lionel's issue fails, his should not reign : i It fails not yet, but flourishes in thee, /And in thy sons, fair slips of such a stock. — 5 Then, father Salisbury, kneel we together; J And, in this private plot,^ be we the first 60 J That shall salute our rightful sovereign i With honour of his birthright to the crown. J Both Long live our sovereign Richard, Eng- < land's king I ^ Yorh, We thank you, lords. But I am not i your king ^Till I be crown'd, and that my sword be stain'd J Private plot, i.e. tequestered ipot 30 With heart-blood of the house of Lancaster; ) And that 's not suddenly to be perform'd, ^ But with advice*^ and silent secrecy. ^ Do you as I do in these dangerous days: ^ Wink at the Duke of Suffolk's insolence, 70 ^^ At Beaufort's pride, at Somerset's ambition, '] At Buckingham, and all the crew of them. Till they liave snar'd the shepherd of the; flock, \ That virtuous prince, the good Duke Hum-j phrey: \ T is that they seek, and they, in seeking that, < Shall find their deatlis, if York can prophesy. ^ *S'a/. My lord, break off; we know your mind ' at full / War, My heart assures me that the Earl of/ 'Warwick 78/ Shall one day make the Duke of York a king. ; York. And, Nevil, this I do assure myself, — / Richard shall live to make the Earl of War- ; wick ) The greatest man in England but the king. / [Exeunt. ] Scene III. Londofu A hall of justice, Sound trumpets. Enter Kino Henry, Queen Margaret, Gloster, York, Suffolk, Sal- isbury, and Attend deep; \ And in his simple show he harbours treason. > The fox barks not when he would steal the > lamb. > No, no, my sovereign ; Gloeter is a man > Unsounded yet, and full of deep deceit ] 67 > Car. Did he not, contrary to form of law, Devise strange deaths for small offences done? York. And did he not, in his protectorship. Levy great sums of money through the realm For soldiers' pay in France, and never sent it? By means whereof the towns each day revolted. Buck. Tut, these are petty faults to* faults unknown, Which time will bring to light in smooth Duke Humphrey. King. My lords, at once:® — the care you have of us. To mow down thorns that would annoy our foot, Is worthy praise: but, — shall I speak my con- science ? — Our kinsman Gloster is as innocent 09 From meaning treason to our royal person As is the sucking lamb or harmless dove: The duke is virtuous, mild, and too well given** To dream on evil, or to work my downfall. Queen. Ah, what's more dangerous than this fond afiiance I " Seems he a dove? his feathers are but borrow'd. For he 's dispos^ as the hateful raven: Is he a lamb ? his skin is surely lent him. For he 's inclin'd as is the ravenous wolf. Who cannot steal a shape that means deceit? Take heed, my lord; the welfare of us all 80 Hangs on the cutting short that fraudful man. ErUer Somerset. Som. All health unto my gracious sovereign ! Kiryg. Welcome, Lord Somerset What news from France? 8om. That all your interest in those terri- tories Is utterly bereft you; all is lost King. Cold news, Lord Somerset: but God's will be done ! " To, in comparison with. • At onee, once for all. 10 Well given, well dlspoMd. n Ajfianee, confldence. 35 Digitized by Google ACT lU. Soana 1. KING HENEY VL— PART IL ACT III. York [AMe] Cold news for me; for I had hope of France As firmly aa I hope for fertile England. 'TThus are my blossoms blasted in the bud S And caterpillars eat my leaves away;] 90 But I will remedy this gear^ ere long, Or sell my title for a glorious grave. Enter Gloster. Qlo, All happiness unto my lord the king I Pardon, my liege, that I have stay'd so long. Suf, Nay, Gloster, know that thou art come too soon, Unless thou wert more loyal than thou art: I do arrest thee of high treason here. Qlo. Well, Suffolk's duke, thou shalt not see me blush Nor change my countenance for this arrest: A heart unspotted is not easUy daunted lOO <[|The purest spring is not so free from mud 5 As I am clear from treason to my sovereign:] Who can accuse me? wherein am I guilty? York. T is thought, my lord, that you took bribes of France, And, being protector, stayed the soldiers' pay; By means whereof his highness hath lost France. Olo. Is it but thought so? what^ are they that think it? 1 never robb'd the soldiers of their pay, Nor ever had one penny bribe from France; So help me Grod, as I have watch'd the night, — Ay, night by night,— in studying good for England ! ill 7 1 That doit 3 that e'er I wrested from the king, ;0r any groat* I hoarded to my use, I Be brought against me at my trial-day ! ] No; many a pound of mine own proper store, Because I would not tax the needy commons, Have I dispursed** to the garrisons, And never aak'd for restitution. Ckir. It serves you well, my lord, to say so much. Olo. I say no more than truth, so help me God! 120 York. In your protectorship you did devise ' Gear, matter. « What=iyrho. » Doit, a very small coin ; properly, the twelfth part of a penny. 4 Oroat, a unall coin of the value of fourpence. * DifpurMd edlaburaed, paid away. 36 Strange tortures for offenders never heard of, That® England was defam'd by tyranny, las Qlo. Why, 'tis well known that, whiles I was protector, Pity was all the fault that was in me; For I fiiiould melt at an offender's tears, And lowly words were ransom for their fault Unless it were a bloody murderer, Or foul f^onious thief that fieec'd poor passen- I never gave them c6ndign punishment: 190 [ Murder indeed, that bloody sin, I tortur'd \ Above the felon '^ or what* tres{)as8 else.] ) Suf. My lord, these faults are easy,* quickly answer'd : But mightier crimes are laid unto your charge. Whereof you cannot easily purge yourself. I do arrest you in his highness' name; And here commit you to my lord cardinal To keep, until your further time of trial King. My lord of Gloster, 'tis my special hope 139 That you will clear yom^elf from all 8usi)ect:*** My conscience tells me you are innocent. Qlo. Ah, gracious lord, these days are dan- gerous: Virtue ia chok'd with foul ambition, And charity chas'd hence by rancour's hand; QFoul subornation is predominant, ( And equity exil'd your highness' land. ] ] I know their complot" is to have my life. And if my death might make this island happy And prove the period of their tyranny, I would expend it with all willingness: iso But mine is made the prologue to their play; For thousands more, that yet suspect no peril. Will not conclude their plotted tragedy. Beauforf s red sparkling eyes blab his heart's malice. And Suffolk's cloudy brow his stormy hate; Sharp Buckingham unburthens with his tongue The envious load that lies upon his heart ; And dogged York, that reaches at the moon. Whose overweening arm I have pluck'd back. 6 That, so that. • WhaU whatever. • Ea»y, Blight, triTial easily. 10 Su$p§«i^ soapioioD. ' The felon, %.e. the felon's (sin). Some take it as an adverb = 11 ComjAot, concerted plan. Digitized by Google ACT III. Boene 1. KING HENKY VI.— PART II. ACT III. Soane I. By false accuse^ doth level at my life: — 160 {^Turning to the Queen] And you, my sovereign lady, with the rest, Causeless have laid disgraces on my head, And with your best endeavour have stirr'd up My liefest^ liege to be mine enemy: Ay, all of you have laid your heads together — Myself had note' of your conventicles* — And all to make away my guiltless life. 5 [ I shall not want false witness to condemn me, $Nor store of treasons to augment my guilt; >The ancient proverb will be well effected,* — I A staff is quickly found to beat a dog. ] i7i Car, My liege, his railing is intolerable: ^T If those that care to keep your royal person S From treason's secret knife and traitor's rage SBe thus upbraided, chid, and rated at, ) And the offender granted scope of speech, ; T will make them cool in zeal unto your grace. ) Snf, Hath he not twit® our sovereign lady i here ^With ignominious words, though clerkly / couch'd,^ As if she had suborned some to swear 180 ? False allegations to overthrow his state? } Queen, But I can give the loser leave to I chide. J Olo, Far truer spoke than meant: I lose, ( indeed; — ' Beshrew the winners, for they play'd me false! < And well such losers may have h^ave to speak. < Jiuck, Hell wrest the sense and hold us < here all day: — J Lord cardinal, he is your prisoner. \ Car,'] Sirs, take away the duke, and guard him sure. Olo. Ah ! thus King Henry throws away his crutch. Before his legs be firm to bear his body, iflo ^TThus is the shepherd beaten from thy side, J And wolves are gnarling* who shall gnaw thee ^ firstj Ah, that my fear were false! ah, that it were! For, good King Henry, thy decay I fear. [Exeunt Attendants with Glostery guarded. 1 Aeeuie, accusation. * Liefett, dearest. * NoU, information. * Cwmntide9, secret meetings. * Effected, practically prored. • Twit, twitted. ' Clerkly eoueh'd, put in good (or scholarly) language. * OnarUng, growling, snarling. King. My lords, what to your wisdom seem- eth best, 196 Do or undo, as if ourself were here. Queen. What, will your highness leave the parliament? King. Ay, Margaret ; my heart is drown'd with grief. Whose flood begins to flow within mine eyes, £ My body round engirt with misery, 200 J For what's more miserable than discontent?]^ Ah, uncle Humphrey ! in thy face I see The map of honour, truth and loyalty: And yet, good Humphrey, is the hour to come That e'er I prov'd thee false or f ear'd thy faith. [| What louring® star now envies thy estate, That these great lords, and Margaret our^ queen, Do seek subversion of thy haimless life? Thou never didst them wrong, nor no man! wrong; And as the butcher takes away the calf, 210^ And binds the wretch, and beats it when it} strays. Bearing it to the bloody slaughter-house; Even so, remorseless, have they borne him^ hence; And as the dam runs lowing up and down, Looking the way her harmless young one went, 5 And can do nought but wail her darling's loss;; Even so myself bewails good Gloster's case > With sad unhelpful tears, and withdimm'd eyes / Look after him, and cannot do him good, / So mighty are his vowed enemies. ] 220 { His fortunes I will weep; and, 'twixt each groan, Say, " Who 's^^ a traitor, Gloster he is none." [Exeunt all but Queen^ Cardinal Beaufort^ Svffdk, and York; Somerset remavis ajxirt. Queen. Fair lords, cold snow melts with the sun's hot beams; Henry my lord is cold in great affairs, Too full of foolish pity; Qand Gloster's show Beguiles him as the mournful crocodile With sorrow snares relenting passengers; Or as the snake, roll'd in a flowering bank. With shining checker'd slough,*' doth sting a^ child That for the beauty thinks it excellent. ] i * Louring, gloomy-looking. 10 Who '9, whoever is. " Slough, skin. 37 Digitized by Google ACT III. KING HENRY VL— PART II ACT III. Seen* 1. Believe me, lords, were none more wise than I — And yet herein I judge mine own wit good — This Gloster should be quickly rid the world. To rid us from the fear we have of him. 234 Car, That he should die is worthy policy; But yet we want a colour^ for his death: T is meet he be condemn'd by course of law. Suf, But, in my mind, that were no policy: The king will labour still to save his life, The commons haply rise, to save his life; 240 And yet we have but trivial argument, More than mistrust, that shows him worthy death. York. So that, by this, you would not have him die. Sttf. Ah, York, no man alive so fain as 1 1 York, [Aiide\ Tis York that hath more reason for his death. — Queen. Or m the nuJce, roU'd in a flowering bank. With thininR checker'd tloagh, doth sting a child That for the beauty thinki it excellent.— (Act iii. 1. S»-290.) But, my lord cardinal, and you, my Lord of Suffolk,— Say as you think, and speak it from your souls, — )[ Were 't not all one, an empty* eagle set /To guard the chicken from a hungry kite, f Ab place Duke Humphrey for the king's pro- ) tector? 250 I Colour, pretext * Empty ^ farolghed. 38 Qu^n. So the poor chicken should be sure ' of death. ] 25i ; Suf. [Madam, 'tis true; and were't not; madness, then, i To make the fox surveyor of the fold ? Who being accus'd a crafty murderer, His guilt should be but idly posted over,' Because his purpose is not executed. s Posted over, tlurred over. Digitized by Google ACT IIL Scene 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT III. Scene 1. < No; let him die, in that he is a fox, \ By nature proVd an enemy to the flock, ' Before his chape be stain'd with crimson blood, ^As Hiim[Arey, proved by reasons, to my liege. ;'And do not stand on quillets^ how to slay ^ him: ] 26i Be it by gins, by snares, by subtlety, Sleeping or waking, 't is no matter how. So he be dead; for that is good deceit Which mates' him first that first intends deceit \ [ ^ueen. Thrice noble Suffolk, 't is resolutely \ spoke. \ Suf. Not resolute, except so much were done ; > For things are often spoke, and seldom meant: ) But that my heart accordeth with my tongue, — ; Seeing the deed is meritorious, 270 ; And to preserve my sovereign from his foe, — ^ Say but the word, and I will be his priest ] ■^ Car. QBut I would have him dead, my Lord i of Suffolk, i Ere you can take due orders for a priest: ] Say you consent, and censure well^ the deed. And I *11 provide his executioner, — I tender so* the safety of my liege. tSuf. Here is my hand, the deed is worthy doing. Queen. And so say I. Fori:. And I: and now we three have spoken it, 2.S0 It skills^ not greatly who impugns our doom.^ Enter a Messenger. Mess. Great lords, from Ireland am I come amain,^ To signify that rebels there are up, And put the Englishmen unto the sword: Send succours, lords, and stop the rage betime, \ C Before the wound do grow unciirable; ; For, being green, there is great hope of help.] Car. A breach that craves a quick ex- pedient^ stop ! What counsel give you in this weighty cause ? 1 ^ittete. petty iiicetfet of law. 3 Mate*, disables, renders powerless. > Cenmtre well = approve. * Tender sOy hare such regard for. < SkOU, matters. * Impugns our doom, opposes onr decision. ' Amaiti, at utmost speed. * Expedient, expeditious. York. That Somerset be sent as regent thither: 290 Tis meet that lucky ruler be employed; Witness the foi-tune he hath had in France. Som. If York, with all his far-fet* policy. Had been the regent there instead of me. He never would have stay'd in France so long. Fork, No, not to lose it all, as thou hast done: [ I rather would have lost my life betimes } Than bring a burden of dishonour home } By staying there so long till all were lost 299^ Show me one scar chardcter'd on thy skin: i Men|s flesh preserved so whole do seldom win.^^ < Qtieen, Q Nay, then, this spark will prove a< raging fire, ( If wind and fuel be brought to feed it with : — ]5 No more, good York; — sweet Somerset, be still:— [[Thy fortune, York, hadst thou been regent^ there, ? Might happily^* have prov'd far worse than his. I Fork. What, worse than nought? nay, then,| a shame take all ! I Som. And, in the number, thee that wishest^ shame ! ^ \ Car. My Lord of York, try what your for- tune is. 309 The uncivil kerns of Ireland are in arms, And temper clay with blood of Englishmen : To Ireland will you lead a band of men, Collected choicely, from each county some. And try your hap against the Irishmen ? Fork. I will, my lord, so please his majesty. Suf. Why, our authority is his consent. And what we do establish he confirms: Then, noble York, take thou this task in hand. Fork. I am content: provide me soldiers, lords, 319 Whiles I take order for mine own affairs. Suf. A charge. Lord York, that I will see performed. But now return we to the false Duke Hum- phrey. Car. No more of him; for I will deal with him That henceforth he shall trouble us no more. » Far-fet, far-fetched. iot.«. "Men wliose flesh is kept so free from wounds are seldom conquerors." 11 Haj7pi/y= perchance. 39 Digitized by Google ACT III. Soene 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART 11. ACT III. 8oene 2. I [And 80 break o£f; the day is almost spent: iLord Suffolk, you and I must talk of that ' event. ] Fork, My Lord of Suffolk, within fourteen days At Bristol I expect my soldiers; For there I '11 ^ip them all for Ireland. Suf. 1 'U see it truly done, my Lord of York. [Exeunt all but York, York. Now, York, or never, steel thy fearful thoughts, 331 And change misdoubt to resolution: Be that thou hop'st to be, or what thou art Resign to death; [it is not worth th' enjoying: Let pale-fac'd fear keep with the mean-bom man, And find no harbour in a royal heart Faster than spring-time showers comes thought on thought, And not a thought but thinks on dignity. My brain, more busy than the labouring spider. Weaves tedious snares to trap mine enemies.] Well, nobles, well, 't is politicly done, .341 To send me packing with an host of men : I fear me you but warm the starved snake, Who, cherish'd in your breasts, will sting your hearts. T was men I lack'd, and you will give them me: [ I take it kindly; yet be well assurd You put sharp weapons in a madman's hands.] Whiles I in Ireland nurse a mighty band, I will stir up in England some black storm Shall blow ten thousand souls to heaven or hell; 350 [And this fell tempest shall not cease to rage Until the golden circuit on my head. Like to the glorious sun's transparent beams, Do calm the fury of this mad-bred flaw.* ] And, for a minister of my intent, I have seduc'd a headstrong Kentishman, John Cade of Ashford, To make commotion, ajs full well he can, [ Under the title of John Mortimer. 359 In Ireland have I seen this stubborn Cade Oppose himself against a troop of kerns, And fou^t^ so long, till that his thighs with . darts 1 FlaWt violent gust of wind. 40 s Fought ^Yit fought Were almost like a sharp-quill'd porpentine;' ' And, in the end being rescued, I have seen ( Him caper upright like a wild Monaco,* ( Shaking the bloody darts as he his bells. I Full often, like a shag-hair'd crafty kern, \ Hath he conversed with the enemy, i And, undiscover'd, come to me again, < And given me notice of their villanies. ] 870^ This devil here shall 'be my substitute; For that John Mortimer, which now is dead, In face, in gait, in speech, he doth resemble: By this I shall perceive the commons' mind. How they affect the house and claim of York. Say he be taken, rack'd and tortured, I know no pain they can inflict upon him Will make him say I mov'd him to those arm& Say that he thrive, a£ 't is great like he will. Why, then from Ireland come I with my strength,^ 380 And reap the harvest which that rascal sow'd; For, Humphrey being dead, as he shall be. And Henry put apart, the next for me. [Exit. Scene II. Bury St, Edmund^s. A room of state; folding doors at back, with Oloiter's bed-chamber beyond. Enter certain murderers, hastily. First Mur, Run to my Lord of Suffolk; let him know We have dispatch'd the duke, as he com- manded. Sec, Mur, O that it were to do ! What have we done? Didst ever hear a man so penitent? Enter Suffolk. First Mur, Here comes my loi-d. Suf, Now, sirs, have you dispatch'd this. thing? First Mur, Ay, my good lord, he 's dead. Suf, Why, that's well said. Go, get you to my house; I will reward you for this venturous deed. [The king and all the peers are here at, hand:— 10^ » PorpentinB, porcupine. * Morisco, luorrit-dauci r. » Strength, armed force. Digitized by Google ACT III. Sc«D6 2. KING HENRY VI.— PART IL ACT III. Scene 2. ^Have you laid fair the bedl Is all things^ well, 11 ^According as I gave directions? First Mwr, T is, my good lord. Suf. ] Away ! be gone. \^Elxeunt Murderers. Trumpets sounded. Enter Kino Henrt, Queen Margaret, Cardinal Beaufort, Somer- set, Lordsy and others. King. €k>, call our uncle to our presence straight; Say we intend to try his grace to-day. If he be guilty, a£ t is published. Suf. I '11 call him presently, my noble lord. [ExU. King, Lords, take your places; and, I pray you all. Proceed no straiter^ 'gainst our uncle Gloster Tlian from true evidence of good esteem 21 He be approved' in practice* culpable. Queen. God forbid any malice should pre- vail, That faultless may condemn a nobleman !^ Pray God he may acquit him of suspicion ! King. I thank thee, love; these words con- tent me much. Re-enter Suffolk. How now ! why look'st thou pale ? why trem- blestthou? Where is our uncle? what's the matter, Suf- folk? Suf, Dead in his bed, my lord; Gloster is dead. Queen. Marry, God forfend ! 30 Car, God's secret judgment: — I did dream to-night The duke was dumb and could not speak a word. [The King swoons. Queen. How fares my lord? — Help, lords! the king is dead. [iScwn. Rear® up his body; wring him by the nose. Queen, Run, go, help, help I — O Henry, ope thine eyes I ] » Ti all things =iB eTerythiDg. s Straiter, more Btricily. » Apprw'd, proved. * PraeUee, plotting. * That faxtltieu, Ac, i.e. "that may condemn a nolile- man who ia faultlesa" • Reafy raise. Suf, He doth revive again: — madam, be patient King, O heavenly God I Queen. How fares my gracious lord? Suf, Comfort, my sovereign ! gracious Henry, comfort ! King. What, doth my Lord of Suffolk com- fort me? Came he right now^ to sing a raven's note, 40 Whose dismal tun§ bereft my vital powers; And thinks he that the chirping of a wren, By crying comfort from a hollow breast, Can chase away the first-conceived sound? [ Hide not thy poison with such sugar'd words; / Lay not thy hands on me; forbear, I say; Their touch affrights me as a serpent's sting. Thou baleful messenger, out of my sight ! Upon thy eye-balls murderous tyranny Sits in grim majesty, to fright the world. ] w^ Look not upon me, for thine eyes are woimding: Yet do not go away: — come, basilisk. And kill the innocent gazer with thy sight; For in the shade of death I shall find joy; In life but double death, now Gloster's dead. Queen. Why do you rate my Lord of Suffolk thus? Although the duke was enemy to him. Yet he, most Christian-like, laments his death: [And for myself, — foe as he was to me, — Might liquid tears or heart-offending groans Or blood-consuming sighs recall his life, 61 i I would be blind with weeping, sick with< groans, Look \ysXe as primrose with blood-drinking^ sighs. And all to have the noble duke alive. What know I how the world may deem of me?? For it is known we were but hollow friends; It may be judg'd I made the duke away; So shall my name with slauder's tongue bei wounded. And princes' courts be fiU'd with my reproach. This get I l)y his dejith: ay me, unhappy! 70 5 To be a queen, and crown'd with infamy ! ] King. Ah, woe is me for Gloster, wretched man! Queen. Be woe for me,® more wretched than he is. ^ Right nwp, Jiut now. • Be woe for me, le. " be griered for me." 41 Digitized by Google ACT IIL Soeue 2. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT UI. ttoena 2. What, dost thou turn away and hide thy face ? ?f I am no loathsome leper; — look on me. 75 ^What! art thou, like the adder, waxen deaf? ^imn. When from thj shafre th« tempert beat a* back. I stood apon the hatchet in the •torm.— (Act iiL 2. 101, 108 Be poisonous too, and kill thy fcSrlom queen. ] Is all thy comfort shut in Gloster^s tomb? Why, then, dame Margaret was ne'er thy joy. 42 Q Erect his statua and worship it, 80 And make my image but an alehouse sign. 2 Was I for this nigh wrecked upon the sea, And twice by awkward ^ wind from England's bank Drove back again unto my native clime? [ What boded this but well forewarning wind Did seem to say — Seek not a scorpion's nest, Nor set no footing on this unkind shore? What did I then, but curs'd the gentle gusts. And he that loos'd them^ forth their brazen caves: And bid them blow towards England's blessed shore, 90 Or turn our stem upon a dreadful rock? Yet iEolus would not be a murderer. But left that hateful office unto thee: The pretty- vaulting sea refus'd to drown me. Knowing that thou wouldst have me drown'd on shore, With tears as salt as sea, through thy unkind- ness: The splitting rocks^cower'd in the sinkingsands And would not dash me with tlieir ragged sides, Because thy flinty heart, more hard than they, Might in thy palace perish* Margaret. ] 100 As far as I could ken the chalky clifi*s. When from thy shore the tempest beat us back, I stood upon the hatches in the storm. And when the dusky sky began to rob My earnest-gaping sight of thy land's view, I took a costly jewel from my neck, — A heaiir it was, bound in w^ith diamonds, — And threw it towards thy land: the sea re- ceiVd it, And so I wish'd thy body might my heart: [And even with this I lost fair England'? view, IK And bid mine eyes be packing with my heart And call'd them blind and dusky spectacles, For losing ken of Albion's wished coast How often have I tempted Suffolk's tongue— The agent of thy foul inconstancy — To sit and witch me, as Ascanius did When he to madding* Dido would unfold His father's acts commenc'd in burning Troy 1 I Av^card, advene. * He that loot'd them, i.e. .£oIuft. * SplUting rocks, ie. rocks that are used to split the sides of vessels. * Perish, used actively = kill. ^ Madding, le. growing mad with love. Digitized by Google ACT III. Some 2. KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT III. Scene 2. /Am I not witch'd like her? or thou not false ; Hkehim?] Ay me, I can no more ! die, Margaret ! 130 For Henry weeps that thou doet live so long. jVowe withitu Eider Warwick and Salisbury. 7%e Commons press to the door. ' War, It is reported, mighty sovereign. That good Duke Humphrey traitorously is murdered By Suffolk and the Cardinal Beaufort's means. The commons, like an angry hive of bees That want their leader, scatter up and down. And care not who they sting in his revenge. Myself have calm'd their spleenful mutiny, Until they hear the order of his death. King. That he is dead, good Warwick, 't is too true; 130 But how he died God knows, not Henry :^ Enter his chamber, view his breathless corpse. War Come hither, gncioiu ■orerelgn.-H Act iil f 149.1 And comment then upon his sudden death. War. That shall I do, my liege. — Stay, Salisbury, \u With the rude multitude till I return. [Warwick goes through folding-doors into the bed-chamber. Salisbury retires to the Commons at the door. King. O Thou that judgest all things, stay my thoughts, — My thoughts, that labour to persuade my soul Some violent hands were laid on Humphrey's life! If my suspect 2 be false, forgive me, God; s Henry, pronounced as a iHsyllable. ' Sutpeei, snspicion. For judgment only doth belong to thee. 140 [| Fain would I go to chafe his paly lips With twenty thousand kisses, and to rain Upon his face an ocean of salt tears, To tell my love unto his dumb deaf trunk. And with my fingers feel his hand unfeeling But all in vain are these mean obsequies; / And to survey his dead and earthly image, ^ What were it but to make my sorrow greater?] \ [The folding-doors are throivn open^ and the dead body of Gloster is discovered, lying on the bed; Waricick and others standing by it. yVar. Come hither, gracious sovereign, view this body. 43 Digitized by Google ACT III. To KING HENRY VI.— PAET 11. ACT III. King. That is to see how deep my grave is made; 150 For with his soul fled all my worldly solace, And seeing him, I see my life in death. War. As surely as my soul intends to live With that dread King that took our state upon him To free us from his Father's wrathful corse, I do believe that violent hands were laid Upon the life of this thrice-famed duke. Suf. A dreadful oath, sworn with a solemn tongue! What instance gives Lord Warwick for his vow? War. See how the blood is settled in his face. Oft have I seen a timely-parted ghoet,^ loi Of ashy semblance, meagre, pale and blood- : [ Being' all descended to the labouring heart; ^ Who, in the conflict that it holds with death. Attracts the same foraidance 'gainst the enemy ; ^ Which with the heart there cools, and ne'er j retumeth To blush and beautify the cheek again. ] But see, hfs face is black and full of blood, His eye-balls further out than when he liv'd, Staring full ghastly like a strangled man; 170 His hair uprear'd, his nostrils stretch'd with struggling; His hands abroad displayed, as one that grasp'd And tugg'd for life, and was by strength sub- du'd: l[| Look, on the sheets his hair, you see, is stick- \ ing: sHis well-proportion'd beard made rough and S rugged, SLike to the summer's com by tempest lodg'd.^ It cannot be but he was murder'd here; The least of all these signs were probable. Suf. Why, Warwick, who should do the duke to death? Myself and Beaufort had him in protection; And we, I hope, sir, are no murderers. isi War. But both of you were vow'd Duke Humphrey's foes, And you, forsooth, had the good duke to keep: 1 Timely-parted ghott, i.e. the corpse of one who hai died a natural death. > Being, i.e. (the blood) being. * Lodgd, Le. beaten down. 44 T is like you would not feast him like a friend ; And 't is well seen he found an en^ny. 186 Qween. Then you, belike, suspect these no- blemen As guilty of Duke Humphrey's timeless* death. War. Who finds the heifer dead and bleed- ing fresh, And sees fast by a butcher with an axe, But will suspect 'twas he that made the slau^- ter? 190 [Who finds the partridge in the puttock's* nest, \ But may imagine how the bird is dead, \ Although the kite soar with unbloodied beak? I Even so suspicious is this tragedy. ] \ Queen. Are you the butcher, Suffolk? — Where 's your knife? [Is Beaufort term'd a kite? — Where are his? talons?] I Suf. 1 wear no knife to slaughter slee^mig men; But here's a vengeful sword, rusted with ease, That shall be scoured in his rancorous heart That slanders me with murder's crimson badge. — 200 Say, if thou dar'st, proud Lord of Warwick- shire, That I am faulty in* Duke Humphrey's death. [Exeiint Cardinal^ Somerset^ and others. War. What dares not Warwick, if false Suffolk dare him ? [ Queen. He dares not calm his contumelious 5 spirit, I Nor cease to be an arrogant controller,' Though Suffolk dare him twenty thousand^ times. War. Madam, be still, — with reverence may ^ I say it; For every word you speak in his behalf Is slander to your royal dignity. Suf. Blunt-witted lord, ignoble in demean- our! 210? If ever lady wrong'd her lord so much, < Thy mother took into her blameful bed < Some stem untutor'd churl, and noble stock \ * Timeleu =untime\y. « Puttock't, kite'a < Faulty in, i.e. guiltily concerned in. f Controller, i.e. one who interferes with, or dictates to others. Digitized by Google ACT III. Sosoe 2. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT III. Some 2. Was graft 1 with crab-tree slip; whose fruit thou art 2U And never of the Nevils' noble race. War, Bat that the guilt of murder bucklers thee, And I should rob the deathsman^ of his fee, Quitting^ thee thereby of ten thousand shames, And that my sovereign's presence makes me mild, 219 I would, false murderous coward, on thy knee Make thee beg pardon for thy passed speech And say it was thy mother that thou meant'st. That thou thyself wast bom in bastardy; And after all this fearful homage done, Give thee thy hire and send thy soul to hell. Pernicious blood-sucker of sleeping men! Suf. Thou shalt be waking while I died thy blood. If from this presence thou daHst go with me. War. ] Away e'en now, or I will drag thee hence: Unworthy though thou art, I'll cope with thee, 230 And do some service to Duke Humphrey's ghost [Exeunt Suffolk and Warwick, King. What stronger breastplate than a' heart untainted ! j Thrice is he arm'd that hath his quarrel just. And he but naked, though lock'd up in steel. Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted. [^4 iwiae within. Qii^n. What noise is this? Re-enter Suffolk and Warwick, with their weapons drawn. King. Why, how now, lords! your wrathful weapons drawn Here in our presence! dare you be so bold ? Why, what tumultuous clamour have we here? Suf. The trait'rous Warwick, with the men of Bury, 240 Set all upon me, mighty sovereign. S«il. [To the Commons at the door] Sirs, stand apart; the king shall know your mind. [ffe comes forward. Dread lord, the commons send you word by me. 1 Ort^, past participle of to graf:=gntted. * Deathsman, executioner. * Quitting, freeing. Unless false Suffolk straight be done to death. Or banished fair England's territories. They will by violence tear him from your palace. And torture him with grievous ling'ring death. They say, by him the good Duke Humphrey died; They say, in him they fear your highness' dea^; And mere instfnct of love and loyalty, — 250 Free from a stubborn opposite intent^ As being thought to contradict your liking, — Makes them thus forward in his banishment Q They say, in care of your most royal person, ^ That if your highness should intend to sleep, > And charge that no man should disturb yoiu*^ rest. In pain of your dislike, or pain of death. Yet, notwithstanding such a strait* edfct. Were there a serpent seen, with forked^ tongue. That slily glided towards your majesty, 26C It were but necessary you were wak'd; Lest, being suffer'd in that harmfiU slumber. The mortal worm* might make the sleeps eternal: ? And therefore do they cry, though you forbid, 5 That they will guard you, whether you will ^ or no. From such fell serpents as false Suffolk is, With whose envenomed and fatal sting, Your loving uncle, twenty times his worth, They say, is shamefully bereft of life. ] / Commons. [Within] An answer from the king, my Lord of Salisbury! 27o Suf. 'T is like the commons, rude unpolish'd hinds, Could send such message to their sovereign: But you, my lord, were glad to be employ'd. To show how quaint^ an orator you are: But all the honour Sfdisbury hath won Is, that he was the lord ambassador Sent from a sort^ of tinkers to the king. Commons. [Within] An answer from the king, or we 11 break in! King. Go, Salisbury, and tell them all from me, * Strait, strict * Womi=Mtrpmt • Quaint, clever, ftne. ' A 8ort, a pack, a gang; used contemptuoiuly. 46 Digitized by Google ACT III. Soene S. KING HENRY VL— PART IL ACT III. SoMM 1 I thank them for their tender loving care; 2^ And had I not been cited ^ so by them, Yet did I purpose as they do entreat; For, sure, my thoughts do hourly prophesy Mischance unto my state by Suffolk's means: And therefore, — by His majesty I swear, Whose far unworthy deputy I am, — He shall not breathe infection in' this air But three days longer, on the pain of death. \JEjcit Salisbury, Qibeen, O Henry, let me plead for gentle Suffolk! King. Ungentle queen, to call him gentle Suffolk! 290 No more, I say: if thou dost plead for him, Thou wilt but add increase unto my wrath. Had I but said, I would have kept my word, But when I swear, it is irrevocable. — [To SuffoUc] If, after three days' space, thou here be'st found On any ground that I am ruler of. The world shall not be ransom for thy life. — Come, Warwick, come, good Warwick, go with me; I have great matters to impart to thee. [Exeunt all but Queen and Suffolk, Queen. Mischance and sorrow go along with you! 800 Heart's discontent and sour' affliction Be playfellows to keep you company ! There 's two of you: the devil make a third ! And threefold vengeance tend upon your steps! Suf. Cease, gentle queen, these execrations. And let thy Suffolk take his heavy leave. Queen, Fie, coward woman and soft-hearted wretch! Hast thou not spirit to curse thine enemies? Suf. A plague upon them! wherefore should I curse them? Would curses kill, as doth the mandrake's groan, 8io I would invent as bitter-searching terms. As curst,* as harsh and horrible to hear, XDeliver'd strongly through my fixed teeth, ) With full as many signs of deadly hate,] As lean-fac'd Envy in her loathsome cave: 1 CffMl, urged. * Breathe infection m, t.e. breathe hit infections breath Into. * Sour, bitter. < CurH, sharp. 46 [My tongue should stumble in mine earnest '> words; ; Mine eyes should sparkle like the beaten flint; ? Mine hair be fix'd on end, as one distract; ^ Ay, every joint should seem to curse and ban Q ( And even now my burthen'd heart would break, S20 Should I not curse them. Poison be their drink! Call, worse than gall, the daintiest that they taste! Their sweetest shade a grove of cypress trees! [Their chief est prospect murd'ring basilisks ! ) Their softest touch as smart^ as lizards' stings!] ; Their music frightful as the serpent's hiss, And boding screech-owls make the consort* full! All the foul terrors in dark-seated hell — Queen, Enough, sweet Suffolk; ihou. tor- menf st thyself ; [And these dread curses, like ihe sun 'gainst; glass, 830 ! Or like an overcharged gun, recoil, I And turn the force of them upon thyself. ] \ Suf. You bade me ban, and will you bid me leave?' Now, by the ground that I am banish'd from, Well could I curse away a winter's night. Though standing naked on a mountain top, [Where biting cold would never let grass grow,] I And think it but a minute spent in sport Queen, O, let me entreat thee cease. Give me thy hand, sao That I may dew it with my mournful tears; [ Nor let the rain of heaven wet this place. To wash away my woeful monuments.®] ] O, could this kiss be printed in thy hand, [Kistes his hand. That thou mightst think upon these* by the seal,*<> Through whom^^ a thousand sighs are breath'd for thee! < Smart, painful. < Coneorl, band of musicians = concert ' i>aM= leave off. * MonumenU, mementoes, records. * Thete, le. these lips. to The smZ, te. the kiss she impresses on his hand. 11 Thnntgh tphom, i.e. through which lips. Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google Digitized by Google ACT IIL Scene 2. KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT III. Scene S. iL^i S^^ *^^ gone, that I may know my grief; JT is but surmis'd whiles thou art standing by, (As one that surfeits thinking on a want < I will repeal thee, or, be well assur'd, (Adventure to be banished myself : 8&o ^ And banished I am, if but from^ thee. ] Go; speak not to me; even now be gone. O, go not yet I — Even thus two friends con- demned Embrace and kiss and take ten thousand leaves, Loather a hundred times to part than die. Yet now farewell; and farewell life with theel Siif, Thus is poor Suffolk ten times ban- ished; Once by tJie king, and three times thrice by thee. Tis not the land I care for, wert thou thence;' A wilderness is populous enough, sao So Suffolk had thy heavenly company: J[ For where thou art, there is the world itself, ^With every several pleasure in the world; ^ And where thou art not, desolation. ] I can no more: live thou to joy' thy life; Myself to joy'* in nought but that thou liv'st Enter Vaux. Queen, Whither goes Vaux so fast? what news, I prithee? Vaujp. To signify unto his majesty That Cardinal Beaufort is at point of death; ^[For suddenly a grievous sickness took him, I That makes him gasp, and stare, and catch the I air, 371 (Blaspheming Grod, and cursing men on earth. (Sometime he talks as if Duke Humphrey's < ghost < Were by his side: sometime he calls the king I And whispers to his pillow, as to him, (The secrets of his overcharged soul: (And I am sent to tell his majesty (That even now he cries aloud for him. ] Queen, Go tell this heavy message to the king. [Eant Vaux. Ay mel what is this world! what news are these! sso But wherefore grieve I at an hour's poor loss,* » From, le. awj from. * Thenee, i.e. awjy from that land. » To joy =» to enjoy. ^An houi'apoor Ion, i.e. a low which will only be felt for a thort thne. Omitting Suffolk's exile, my soul's treasure ? Why only, Suffolk, mourn I not for thee, 388 And with the southern clouds contend in tears. Theirs for the earth's increase, mine for my sorrows? — Now get thee henoe: the king, thou know'st, is coming; If thou be found by me, thou art but dead. Suf. If I depart from thee, I cannot live; And in thy sight to die, what were it else But like a pleasant slumber in thy lap? 890 [ Here could I breathe my soul into the air, ) As mild and gentle as the cradle-babe S Dying with mother's dug between its lips: 3 Where,* from* thy sight, I should be raging-^ mad - And cry out for thee to close up mine eyes, To have thee with thy lips to stop my mouth; So shouldst thou either turn my flying soul, Or I should breathe it so into thy body. And then it liv'd^ in sweet Elysiiun.] To die by thee were but to die in jest; 400 From* thee to die were torture more than death: O, let me stay, befall wliat may befall ! Queen. Away! though parting be a fretful c6rrosive. It is applied to a deathful wound. To France, sweet Suffolk: let me hear from thee; For wheresoe'er thou art in this world's globe, I '11 have an Iris* that shall find thee out Suf. 1 go. Queen, And take my heart along with thee. Suf. A jewel, lock'd into the woefuUst casket That ever did contain a thing of worth. 4io Even as a splitted bark, so sunder we: This way fall I to death. Queen, This way for me. [Exvait $everaUy. f Scene III. A hedcJiamher. Enter the Kino, Salisbury, Warwick, to the Cardinal in bed. King. How fares my lord? speak, Beaufort,^ to thy sovereign. \ » Where, whereas. • Fr(wn=away from. 7 LWd, i.e. would lire. * An IrU, i.e. a messenger. 47 Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 3. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT HI. Scene 3. Car. If thou be'st death, I '11 give thee Eng- land's treasure, 2 S Enough to purchase such another island, \ So thou wilt let me live, and feel no pain. Ki)ig. Ah, what a sign it is of evil life, \ Where death's approach is seen so terrible • War. Beaufort, it is thy sovereign speaks to thee. Car. Bring me unto my trial when you wilL Died he not in his bed? where should he die? Can I make men live, whether they will ! or no? 10^ O, torture me no more ! I will confess. — > Alive again? then show me where he is: ; I '11 give a thousand pound to look ujwn him. — He hath no eyes, the dust hath blinded them. — Comb down his hair; look, look! it stands up- right. Like lime -twigs* set to catch my winged souL — Cwr. If thou be'st death, 1 11 gire thro EnffUnd'H tretuure, So thoa wilt let me Uyo, *nd fe«l no pain.- (Act iii. S. 8, 4.1 Give me some drink; and bid the apothecary ^ Bring the strong poison that I bought of him. [ King, O thou eternal Mover of the heavens, '^Look with a gentle eye upon this wretch I 20 ; O, beat away the busy meddUng fiend '; That lays strong siege unto this wretch's soul ' And from his bosom purge this black despair! ' War. See, how the pangs of death do make ( him grin! \ Sal. Disturb him not; let him pass peace- l ably. 1 Liine-twigg, twigs covered with bird-lime. 48 King. Peace to his soul, if God's good j)lea- sure be ! — Lord cardinal, if thou think'st on heaven's Hold up thy hand, make signal of thy hope. — He dies, and makes no sign.— O God, forgive him! ^' War. So bad a death argues a monstrous^ life. 80 1 King. Forbear to judge, for we are sinners^ all. ^ Close up his eyes and draw the curtain close; ^ And let us all to meditation. [Exeunt. ]{ Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scene 1. KING HENEY VL— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 1. ACT IV. Scene I. Kent, The sea-shore near Dover, Firing heard at sea. Then enter^ from a hoaty a Captain, a Master, a Master^ s- Mate, Wal- ter Whitmore, and others; mith them Suf- folk disguised, and ot/iers, prisoners. Cap. The gaudy, blabbing, and remorseful* day- Is crept into the bosom of the sea; QAnd now loud -howling wolves arouse the* jades^ That drag the tragic melancholy night; Who, with their drowsy, slow, and flagging wings, Clip^ dead men's graves, and from their misty jaws Breathe foul contagious darkness in the air.^ Therefore bring forth the soldiers of our prize; For, whilst our pinnace* anchors in the Downs, Here shall they make their ransom on the saud, 10 Or with their blood stain this diecolour'd shore. — Master, this prisoner freely give I thee; — And thou that art his mate, make boot^ of this; — The other, [pointing to Suffolk] Walter Whit- more, is thy share. £ First Oent. What is my ransom, master? let me know. Mast. A thousand crowns, or else lay down your head. M(Ue. And so much shall you give, or off goes yours. Cap. What, think you much to pay two thousand crowns, And bear the name and port of gentlemen? Cut both the villains' throats; — for die you shall: — 20 The lives of those we have lost in fight, shall they Be counterpois'd with such a petty sum? * Remor^fxU, pitiful. « The jades, i.e. the dragons of Nlght'i chariot. * Ciip, embrace. * Pinnace, a »mall two-masted ship. » Boot, booty. VOL. IL First Gent. I'll give it, sir; and therefore < spare my life. 28^ Sec. Gent. And so will I, and write home> for it straight. ] i Whit. I lost mine eye in laying the prize aboard, [To Suffolk] And therefore to revenge it, shalt thou die; And so should these, if I might have my wilL Cap. Be not so rash; take ransom, let him live. Si(f. Look on my George;^ I am a gentle- man: 29 Eate me at what thou wilt, thou shalt be paid. Whit. And so am I; my name is Walter' Whitmore. How now! why start'st thou? what, doth death affright? Suf. Thy name affrights me, in whose sound is death. A cunning man did calculate my birth And told me that by water I should die: Yet let not this make thee be bloody-minded; Thy name is Gaultier, being rightly soimded. Whit. Gaultier or Walter, which it is, I care not: 83 Ne'er yet did base dishonour blur our name, But with our sword we wip'd away the blot; Therefore, when merchant-like I sell revenge, Broke l)e my sword, my arms torn and de- fac'd. And I proclaim'd a coward through the world ! Suf. Stay, Whitmore; for thy prisoner is a prince. The Duke of Suffolk, William de la Pole. Whit. The Duke of Suffolk muffled up in rags'. Suf. Ay, but these rags are no part of the duke: Jove sometime went disguis'd, and why not I? Cap. But Jove was never slain, as thou shalt be. Suf Obscure and lowly swain. King Henry's blood, 50 « My George, i.e. my badge of the Garter. Walter, pronoauced Water. 49 36 Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scene 1. KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 1. The honourable blood of Lancaster, 6i Must not be shed by such a jaded ^ groom. Hast thou not kiss'd thy hand, and held my stirrup? Bare-headed plodded by my foot-cloth' mule, And thought thee happy when I shook my head? How often hast thou waited at my cup, Fed from my trencher, kneel'd down at the board, When I have feasted with Queen Margaret? f Remember it, and let it make thee crest-fall'n. Ay, and allay this thy abortive' pride; oo How in our voiding lobby* hast thou stood, ' anf. Poole! Cap. Ay, kennel, puddle, sink; whoee filth and dirt Troublfss the silrer ipring where EngUnd drinkt.— (Act ir. I. 70-7t.) ^ And duly waited for my coming forth? G2 (This hand of mine hath writ in thy behalf, |Ajid therefore shall it charm* thy riotous \ tongue. ] Whit, Speak, captain, shall I stab the f()r- lom* swain? » Jaded, ie, no better thmn %jade; a temi of contempt s Foot-doth, a long cloth, thrown over the saddle and nearly covering the animal: only used hy persona of rank, or wealth. « Abortive, monstrous. ♦ Voiditxg lobby, ante-room, or outer hall, through which the visitors went out 5 Charm, silence (as by magic). • Fdrlorn, wi-etclied. Cap. First let my words stab him, as he hath me. Suf. Base slave, thy words are blunt, and so art thou. Cap. Convey him hence, and on our long- boat's side S.trike off his head. aSu/. Tliou dai-'st not, for thy own. Cap. Yes, Poole.^ ,Suf. Poole! 7 70 ■ PooU; so Pole nounced. at that time written and pro- Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scene 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 1. Cap, Ay, kennel,* puddle, sink; whose filth and dirt 71 Troubles the silver spring where England drinks. Now will I dam up this thy yawning mouth For swallowing* the treasure of the realm: Thy lips, that kiss'd the queen, shall sweep the ground; And thou that smil'dst at good Duke Hum- phrey's death Against the senseless winds shall grin in vain, Who in contempt shall hiss at thee again: ' [ And wedded be thou to the hags of hell, / For daring to affy ^ a mighty lord 80 ^ Unto the daughter of a worthless king, '' Having neither subject, wealth, nor diadem. { By devilish policy art thou grown great, ^, Aiid, like ambitious Sylla,* overgorg'd ( With gobbets of thy mother's^ bleeding heart.] By thee An jou and Maine were sold to France, The false revolting Normans thorough thee Disdain to call us lord, and Picardy 88 Hath slain their governors, surprised our forts, And sent the ragged soldiers wounded home. ^[The princely Warwick, and the Nevils all, — ^ Whose dreadful swords were never drawn in ', vain, — /As hating thee, are rising up in arms: /And now the house of York, — thrust from the By shameful murder of a guiltless king° And lofty proud encroaching tyranny — Bums with revenging fire; whose hopeful colours Advance" our half-fac'd sun,® striving to shine, Under the which is writ Invitis nubibus.^ ] The commons here in Kent are up in arms: And, to conclude, reproach and beggary 101 Is crept into the palace of our king. And all by thee. — Away ! convey him hence. Suf. O that I were a god, to shoot forth thunder 1 Kennel, gutter. « For twallmcing, ie. for fear of its iwallowing. * Afif, betroth. « Sylla, i.e. Sulla, the dictator, and rival of Marius. * Thy mother $, i.e. thy country's. * OuUtUeg king, le. Richard II. ^ Advance, raise on high. > Alluding to the device of Edward III. » " In spite of the clouds." Upon these paltry, servile, abject drudges ! [Small things make base men proud: this J villain here, i Being captain of a pinnace, threatens more S Than Bargulus the strong lUyrian pirate. ] } Drones suck not eagles' blood, but rob bee- hives: It is impossible that I should die 110 By such a lowly vassal as thyself. |[ Thy words move rage and not remorse in me : ^ I go of message from the queen to France; ) I charge thee waft me safely cross the Chan- ' nel. \ Cap. Walter,— Whit, Come, Suffolk, I must waft thee to thy death. { Suf. Oelidus timor ocaupat artus,^^ it is thee ; I fear. ^ Whit. Thou shalt have cause to fear before I leave thee. What, are ye daunted now ? now will ye stoop ?] First Getii, My gracious lord, entreat him, speak him fair. 120 Suf. Suffolk's imperial tongue is stem and rough, Us'd to command, untaught to plead for favour. Far be it we should honour such as these With humble suit: no, rather let my head Stoop to the block than these knees bow to any, Save to the God of heaven and to my king; 13 And sooner dance upon a bloody pole Than stand uncovered to this vulgar groom. Exempt from fear is true nobility: More can I bear than you dare execute.^ 130 Cap. Hale^^ him away, and let him talk no more. Siif Come, soldiers, show what cruelty ye can, Tliat this my death may never be forgot ! 13 Great men oft die by vile bezonians:** A Roman sworder and banditto slave Murder'd sweet Tully;" Brutus' bastard hand Stabb'd Julius Ceesar: savage islanders Pompey the Great; and Suffolk dies by pirates. ] f [Rveunt Whitmore and others mth Suffolk. >> " Chill fear seizes my limbs. " " Hale, drag. 13 Bezoniangf beggars. ^* TuUy, i.e. Cicero. 51 Digitized by Google ACT IV. SoeiM 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 2. Cap, And as for theee whose ransom we have set, It is our pleasure one of them depart: 140 Therefore come you with us and let him go. [Exeunt ail but the First Oenileman. Re-enter Whitmore with Suffolk's decapitated body and head. Whit, There let his head and lifeless body lie, Until the queen his mistress bury it. [Eant. First Gent. O barbarous and bloody spec- tacle! His body will I bear unto the king: If he revenge it not, yet will his friends; So will the queen, that living held him dear. [Ejcit with the head and body. Scene II. Blackheath. Enter George Bevis and John Holland. Bens. Come, and get thee a sword, though made of a lath: they have been up these two days. Hall. They have the more need to sleep now, then. Bevis. I tell thee. Jack Cade the clothier means to dress the conmionwealth, and turn it, and set a new nap upon it ffoll. So he had need, for 't is threadbare. ^[Well, 1 say it was never merry world in > England since gentlemen came up. lo ; Bei^is. O miserable age I virtue is not re- ;garded in handicrafts-men. ; ffoll. The nobility think scorn to go in lea- )ther aprons. ? Bevis. Nay, more, the king's council are no ?good workmen. j ffoll. True; and yet it is said, labour in thy (vocation; which is as much to say as,* let the < magistrates be labouring men; and therefore ^should we be magistrates. 20 < Bevis. Thou hast hit it; for there 's no better That speaks he knows not what? 160> All, Ay, marry, will we; therefore get ye^ gone. / W, Staf Jack Cade, the Duke of York hath \ taught you this. ] \ Cade, {^[Asidel He lies, for I invented it; myself. ] Go to, sirrah, tell the king from me, that, for his father's sake, Henry the Fifth, in whose time boys went to span-counter* for French crowns, I am content he shall reign ; but I '11 be protector over him. les IHck, And furthermoi'e, well have the Lord Say's head for selling the dukedom of Maine. Ccuk, And good reason; for thereby is Eng- land main'd,* and fain to go with a staff, but that my puissance holds it up. f Fellow kings, J I tell you that that Lord Say hath gelded the ^ commonwealth, and made it an eunuch: and! more than that, he can 8i)eak French; and) therefore he is a tmitor. ^ Staf, O gross and miserable ignorance ! { Cade, Nay, answer, if you can: the French-? men are our enemies; go to, then, I ask but^ this: can he that speaks with the tongue of an c enemy be a good counsellor, or no ? '] All. No, no; and therefore we'll have his' head. ] < W, Staf, Well, seeing gentle words will not prevail. Assail them with the army of the king. * span-counter, a game played by bojs. (See note 256.) ^ Main'd, a provincialism for lamed. Digitized by Google ACT IV. Soeue 3. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 4. Staf. Herald, away; and throughout every town Proclaim them traitors that are up with Cade; That those which fly before the battle ends May, even in their wives' and children's sight, Be hang'd up for example at their doors: — And you that be the king's friends, follow me. [Exeunt the two ^tafforcU, and soldiers. Cade. And you that love the commons, follow me. 192 Now show yourselves men; 'tis for liberty. We wiU not leave one lord, one gentleman: Spare none but such as go in. clouted shoon;^ For they are thrifty honest men, and such As would, but that they dare not, take our parts. JJieJt. They are all in order, and march toward us. 199 Cade. But then are we in order when we are most out of order. Come, march forward. [Ej;eu)U. f Scene III. Another part of Dlackheath. Alarums. The tivo parties enter a)idjight^ and both the Staffords are slain. Cade. Where 's Dick, the butcher of Ash- ford? Didr. Here, sir. Cade. They fell before thee like sheep and oxen, and thou behavedst thyself as if thou hadst been in thine own slaughter-house : there- fore thus will I reward thee, — the Lent shall be as long again as it is; and thou shalt have a license to kill for a hundred lacking one a week, Bidh. 1 desire no more. lo Cade. And, to speak truth, thou deserv'st no less. This monument of the victory will I bear [putting on part of Sir Humphreifs armour'}; and the bodies shall be dragg'd at my horse heels till I do come to London, where we will have the mayor's sword borne , before us. DicJI:. If we mean to thrive and do gooil, ; break open the gaols and let out the prisoners. { Catie, Fear not that, I warrant thee. Come, i let's march towards London. [Exeunt."^ 20 J Clouted shoon, hobnailed slioes. Scene IV. London. The palace. Enter King Henry reading a supplication; the Duke of Buckingham a}id Lord Say with him: at some distance^ Queen Mar- garet, mourning over Suffolk's head. {^Queen. [Speaking to herself] Oft have I heard that grief softens the mind. And makes it fearful and degenerate; Think therefore on revenge and cease to weep. But who can cease to weep, and look on this? Here may his head lie on my throbbing breast: But where 's the body that I should embrace ?] Buck. What answer makes your grace to the rebels' supplication? King. I '11 send some holy bishop to entreat; For Grod forbid so many simple souls 10 Should perish by the sword ! And I myself. Rather than bloody war shall cut them short, Will parley with Jack Cade their general: — But stay, I '11 read it over once iagain. f (/ueen. [As before] Ah, barbarous villains I ) hath this lovely face ; Rul'd, like a wandering planet, over me, ' And could it not enforce them to relent, / That were unworthy to behold the same ? ] ( King. Lord Say, Jack Cade hath sworn to have thy head. >S'«y. Ay, but I hope your highness shall have his. 20 King. [ Turning to Queen] How now, madam ! Lamenting still and mourning Suffolk's death? I fear me, love, if that I had been dead, Thou wouldest not have mourn'd so much for me. Queen. No, love, I should not mourn, but die for thee. Enter a Messenger. King. How now! what news? why com'st thou in such haste? Mess. The rebels are in South wark; fly, my lord ! Jtick Cade proclaims himself Lord Mortimer, Descended from the Duke of Clarence' house. And calls your grace usurper openly, 30 And vows to crown himself in Westminster. His army is a ragged multitude 55 Digitized by Google ACT IV. Soeu« 4. KING HENKY VL— PART 11. ACT IV. Some 4. Of hinds and peasants, rude and merciless: 33 Sir Humphrey Stafford^ and his brother's death Hath given them heart and courage to proceed: All scholars, lawyers, courtiers, gentlemen, They call false caterpillars, and intend their death. Kiiig. O graceless men! they know not what they do. Buck. My gracious lord, retire to Killing- worth,'* Sdi Until a power' be raised to put them down. Queen. Ah, were the Duke of Suffolk now alive, These Kentish rebels would be soon appeas'dl King. Lord Say, Jack Cade, the traitor,, hateth thee; Therefore away with us to Killingworth. Buck. What answer makes yonr gnu» to the rebels' sni>plicatIon?— slain. Then enter Jack Cade, with his company. Cade. So, sirs: — now go som^ and puD down the Savoy; others to the inns of court; down with them all. Q Dick. I have a suit unto your lordship. Cade. Be it a lordship, thou shalt have it for that word. DicL Only that the laws of England may come out of your mouth. ^ John. [Aside] Mass, 't will be sore law, then; for he was thrust in the mouth with a spear, , and 'tis not whole yet. ii Smith. [Aside] Nay, John, it will be stinking : law; for his breath stinks with eating toasted cheese. Cade. I have thought upon it, it shall be so. Away, bum all the records of the realm: my mouth sliall be the parliament of England. Holl. [Aside] Then we are like to have biting statutes, unless his teeth be pull'd out. Cade. And henceforward all things shall be in common. ] 21 Enter a Messenger. Mess. My lord, a prize, a prize ! here 's the Lord Say, which sold the towns in France; f he that made us pay one and twenty fifteens,* ; and one shilling to the pound, the last subsidy.^ '. Enter George Bevis, tcith the Lord Say. Cade, f Well, he shall be beheaded for it ten times. — Ah, thou say ,2 thou serge, nay, thou buckram lord ! now art thou within point- blank of our jurisdiction regaL What canst I thou answer to my majesty for giving up of I Normandy unto Mounsieur Basimecu,^ the dauphin of France? ] Be it known unto thee by these presence,* even the presence of Lord » Fifteens, le. fifteenths. * Say, « kind of satin. s Batimeeii, the corrupted form of a vulgar term of abuse applied to Frenchmen. * By these yresetxcey i.e. by these presentf; the mistake is intended. Digitized by Google ACT rV. Scene 7. KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 7. Mortimer, that I am the besom that must sweep the court clean of such filth as thou art. Thou hast most traitorously corrupted the youth of the realm in erecting a grammar school : and whereas, before, our forefathers had no other books but the score and the tally, thou hast caused printing to be us'd; and, contrary to the king, his crown, and dignity, thou hast built a paper-mill. It will be proved to thy face that thou hast men about thee that usually talk of a noun and a verb, and such abominable words as no Christian ear can en- ; dure to hear. QThou hajst appointed justices i of peace, to call poor men before them about ( matters they were not able to answer. More- ( over, thou hast put them in prison; and because Uhey could not read, thou hast hang'd them; ?when, indeed, only for that cause they have \ been most worthy to live. ] • Thou dost ride in a foot-cloth, dost thou not? 52 Say. What of that? Cade. Marry, thou ought'st not to let thy horse wear a cloak, when honester men than thou go in their hose and doublets. < ^BicJir. And work in their shirt too; as my- self, for example, that am a butcher. ( Say. You men of Kent, — < IHcL What say you of Kent? 60 J Sat/. Nothing but this ; 't is bona terra, i niala gens.^ \ Cade.'J Away with him, away with him! sf he speaks Latin.] Say. Hear me but speak, and beiir me where you will. ' [ Kent, in the Commentaries Ctesar writ, I Is term'd the civil'st place of all this isle : ;! Sweet ^ is the country, beauteous, full of riches; ^The people liberal, valiant, active, wealthy; J Which makes me hope you are not void of i pity. >I sold not Maine, I lost not Normandy; 70 ) Yet, to recover them, would lose my life. ] Justice with favour ^ have I always done; Prayers* and tears have mov'd me, gifts could never. When have I aught exacted at your hands. But to maintain the king, the realm, and you ? 1 "A good Ian<1, a bad people." » Street, wholesome. » Favour, lenity. * Prayers, to be pronounced as a disayllable. 58 Large gifts have I bestow'd on learned clerks, Because my book* preferred me to the king: And seeing ignorance is the curse of God, Knowledge the wing wherewith we fly to heaven, 79 Unless you be possess'd with devilish spirits, You cannot but forbear to murder me: I^This tongue hath parleyed unto foreign kings For your behoof, — Cad^. Tut, when struck'st thou one blow in the field? Say. Great men have reaching hands: oft have I struck Those that I never saw, and struck them dead. Geo. O monstrous coward ! what, to come behind folks? Say. These cheeks are pale for watching for your good. 90 Cade. Give him a box o' the ear, and that will make 'em red again. Say. Long sitting to determine poor men's ; causes ', Hath made me full of sickness and diseases. < Cade. Ye shall have a hempen caudle,^ then, ] and the help of hatchet. i Diet. Why dost thou quiver, man ? : Say. The palsy, and not fear, provokes me.] ; Cade, f Nay, he nods at us, as who should > say, I '11 be even with you: I '11 see if his head ; will stand steadier on a pole, or no. ] Take > him away, and behead him. 102 Say. Tell me wherein have I offended most ? Have I affected wealth or honour, — speak ? Are my chests fiU'd up with extorted gold ? Is my apparel sumptuous to behold ? Whom have I injur'd, that ye seek my death? [^ These hands are free from guiltless blood-; shedding,^ ;. This breafit from harbouring foul deceitful' thoughts. O, let me live ! ] 110 Cade. [Aside] I feel remorse in myself with his words ; but I '11 bridle it: he shall die, an it be but for pleading so well for his life. — Away with him! he has a familiar^ under his tongue; he speaks not o' God's name. Go, * Book-lennung. « Camile, a conifortiiig drink. ' GuUtUu bloodifhedding, i.e. the shedding of innocents' blood. • Familiar, i,e. familiar spirit Digitized by Google ACT IV. Sceoe 'i KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Soene 8. take him away, I say, and strike off his head presently; and then break into his son-in-law's house, Sir Janies Cromer, and strike off his head, and bring them both upon two poles hither. AIL It shall be done. 120 Say. Ah, countrymen ! if when you make your prayers, God should l)e so obddrate as yourselves, How would it fare with your departed souls? And therefore yet relent, and save my life. Cade. Away with him! and do as I command ye. [Ej;eu)it 8ome with Lord A'ay. The proudest peer in the realm shall not wear a head on his shoulders, unless he pay me tribute ; f there shall not a maid be married, ) but she shall pay to me her maidenhead ere) they have it: men shall hold of me in capite/ Cadt. For with these borne before ui, instead of maces, will we ride throagh the streets and at erery comer have them kist».— ^ Act It. 7. 143-144.) and we charge and command that their wives be as free as heart can wish or tongue can tell. Did'. My lord, when shall we go to Cheap- side and take up commodities upon our bills ?^ Cade, Marry, presently. All. O, brave ! 136 Re-enter Rebels irith the heads of Lord Say, and Sir James Cromer. Cade. But is not this braver? Let them kiss one another, for they lov'd well when they were alive. Now part them again, lest they consult about the giving up of some more towns ^ Take up, ^c. ie. get things on credit There is a play on the vonlbilU fhnllierds), and bilU (promissory notes). in France. Soldiers, defer the spoil of the city' until night : for with these borne before us, ^, instead of maces, will we ride through the: streets ; and at every comer have them kiss. ■ — Away ! [Exeunt. < Scene VIIL SoiUhwark. Alarum and retreat. Enter Cade and all \ his rahblemeni, ( Cade. Uj> Fish Street ! down Saint Magnus i Comer! kill and knock down! throw them^ into Thames!] [A parley sounded^thenaretreai.'] j What noise is this I hear? Dare any be so bold to sound retreat or parley, when I com- mand them kill? 59 Digitized by Google ACT IV. SoeiM 8. KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT IV. 8o«ne 9. Enter Buckinoham and old Clifford, mth Forces, Btu:L Ay, here they be that dare and will disturb thee: Know, Cade, we come ambassadors from the king Unto the commons whom thou hast misled ; And here pronounce free pardon to them all That will forsake thee and go home in peace. Clif. What say ye, coimtrymen? will ye relent, ii And yield to mercy whilst 'tis offer'd you; Or let a rebel lead you to your deaths? Who loves the king and will embrace his pardon, Fling up his cap, and say ** God save his ma- jesty!" Who hateth him and honours not his father, Henry the Fifth, that made all France to quake, • Shake he his weapon at us and pass by. is All. God save the king! God save the king! Cade. What, Buckingham and Clifford, are ye so brave ? And you, base peasants, do ye believe them? will you needs be hang'd with ^your pardons about your necks? [Hath my sword therefore broke through London gates, that you should leave me at the White Hart ^in Southwark? I thought ye would never ; have given out ^ these arms till you had re- covered your ancient freedom: but you are all ; recreants and dastards, and delight to live in ; slavery to the nobility. Let them break your /backs with burthens, take your houses over J your heads, ravish your wives and daughters ;i before your faces : for me, I will make shift ^for one; and so, God's curse light upon you All, We '11 follow Cade, we Tl foUow Cade I Clif, Is Cade the son of Henry* the FifUi, That thus you do exclaim you '11 go with him? Will he conduct you through the heart of France, And make the meanest of you earls and dukes? Alas, he hath no home, no place to fly to; 40 Nor knows he how to live but by the spoil, Unless by robbing of your friends and us. 1 Qiven ou<= given over. > Henry, here a trisyllable. 60 Were 't not a shame, that whilst you live at jar, The fearful French, whom you late vanquisked, Should make a start o'er seas, and vanquish you? Q Methinks already in this civil broil ^ I see them lording it in London streets, \ Crying VUiaco!^ unto all they meet ] > Better ten thousand base-bom Cades miscarry Than you should stoop unto a Frenchman's mercy. so To France, to France, and get what you have lost; Spare England, for it is your native coast : Henry hath money, you are strong and manly; God on our side, doubt not of victory. AU. A Clifford I a Gifford ! we 'D foUow the king and Clifford. Cade, [Atide] Was ever feather so lightly blown to and fro as this multitude ? The name of Henry the Fifth hales* them to an hundred mischiefs and makes them leave me desolate. I see them lay their heads together to surprise me: my sword make way for me, for here is no staying. — In despite of the devils in hell, have through the very middest of you I [and > heavens and honour be witness that no want ^ of resolution in me, but only my followers' > base and ignominious treasons, makes me be- ^ take me to my heels. ] [Exit. \ Buck, What, is he fled? Qo some, and fol- low him; And he that brings his head unto the king Shall have a thousand crowns for his reward. — [Exeunt Bome of them. Follow me, soldiers: we'll devise a mean 7i To reconcile you all unto the king. [Eueunt, Scene IX. Kenilworth Catile. Trumpets smtided. Enter Kino Henry, QuEffif Margabet, and Somerset, on the terrace of the castle. King, Was ever king that joy'd* an earthly throne. And could command no more content than I ? No sooner was I crept out of my cradle * Viliaco, a corruption of Italian Vigliaeeo^nMcal Hales, draiTs. » Joy'd, enjoyed. Digitized by Google ACT lY. SoeiM 9. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 10. But I was made a king, at nine months old. Wajs never* subject long'd to be a king As I do long and wish to be a subject £nUr BucKiKOHAM and old Clifford. Biici. Healtii and glad tidings to your ma- jesty! KtHff. Why, Buckingham, is the traitor Cade surprised? Or is he but retired to make him strong? Enter, hdoWy a number of Cade's foUoioers, with halters about their necks, Clif, He is fled, my lord, and all his powers do yield ; lO And humbly thus, with halters on their necks. Expect your highness' doom, of life or death. King, Then, heaven, set ope thy everlasting gates. To entertain my vows of thanks and praise! — Soldiers, this day have you redeem'd your lives And showed how well you love your prince and country: Continue still in this so good a mind, And Henry, though he be infortimate, Assure yourselves, will never be unkind: And so, with thanks and pardon to you all, 20 I do dismiss you to your several countriea AU. Grod save the king ! Grod save the king! Etiter a Messenger, Mess, Please it your grace to be advertised The Duke of York \s newly come from Ireland, And with a puissant and a mighty power Of savage gallowglaases* and stout kems^ Is marching hitherward in proud array, And still proclaimeth, as he comes along. His arms are only to remove from thee The Duke of Somerset, whom he terms traitor. King. Thus stands my state, 'twixt Cade and York distressed; si Like to a ship that, having 'scap'd a tempest. Is straightway calm'd, and boarded with* a pirate: But now is Cade driven back, his men dis- persed; » Wa» n«i»r= there never was. > OaUouyUuses, heavy-armed Irish soldiers. s KcTfu, light-armed soldiers. * With^hy. And now is York in arms to second him. I pray thee, Buckingham, go thou and meet him. And ask him what 's the reason of these arms. Tell him 111 send Duke Edmund to the Tower; — And, Somerset, we will commit thee thither, Until his army be dismiss'd from him. 40 Som, My lord, 1 11 yield myself to prison willingly. Or unto death, to do my country good. King, [To BueHngham] In any case, be not too rough in terms; For he is fierce, and cannot brook hard language. Bticlr, I will,* my lord ; and doubt not so to deal As all things shall redound unto your good. King, Come, wife, let's in, and learn to govern better; For yet may England curse my wretched reign. [Flourish, Exeunt, f Scene X. Kent. IderCs garden, \ Enter Cade. ^ Cade. Fie on ambition! fie on myself, that^ have a sword, and yet am ready to famish ! ^ These five days have I hid me in these woods ^ and durst not peep out, for all the coimtry is;! laid° for me; but now am I so hungry, tliat if > I might have a lease of my life for a thousand y years, I could stay no longer. Wherefore, on a-> brick wall have I climb'd into this garden, to; see if I can eat grass, or pick a sallet'' another) while, which is not amiss to cool a man's sto- > mach this hot weather. And I think thiS' word " sallet " was bom to do me gogd : for > many a time, but for a sallet,^ my brain-pan / had been cleft with a brown bill ;^ and many > a time, when I have been dry and bravely > marching, it hath serv'd me instead of a quart > pot to drink in; and now the word " sallet '\' must serve me to feed on. r » / vnU, te. " I will not be too rough." • Laid, i.e. set with traps. ^ SalUty salad. > But for a sallet, a play on the word sallet, whidi also means a kind of helmet * Brown bill, a kind of halberd. 61 Digitized by Google ACT IV. Sceue 10 KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Sc«De 10. ^ Enter Iden icith five Servants^ wfio remain at hack, Iden. Lord, who would live turmoiled in the court, ^ And may enjoy such quiet walks as these? Cade. Iden. f«rewcll. and be proud of thy victory. Tell Kent from me, the hath lost her be«t man.— (Act It. 10. 77-79.) ^This small inheritance my father left me 20 ever was broaoh'd, and beard thee too. [JSer- 1 rafits come forward] Look on me well: I have^ eat no meat these five days; yet, come thou J and thy five men, and if I do not leave you \ all as dead as a door-nail, I pray God I may never eat grass more. 44 Jden. Nay, it shall ne'er be said, while Eng- land stands. That Alexander Iden, Esquire of Kent, Took odds to combat a ix)or famish'd man. ; [lie signs to the Jive Servants to retire;) then return to hack of stage. ') Oi)iK>se thy steadfast-gazing eyes to mine, J See if thou canst outface me with thy looks: l Set limb to limb, and thou art far the lesser; J Thy hand is but a finger to my fist, 51 \ Tliy leg a stick compared with this truncheon; My foot shall fight with all the strength thou hast; And if mine arm be heaved in the air, Thy grave is digg'd already in the earth. ? But as for wonis, — whose greatness answers ; words,® ( Let this my sword report what 8[jeech for-c bears. c « Snfficeth that I have, d:c., i.e. "it is enough that what Ihave, &c." » Sf my, vagrant. * Fee-nmpU, i.e. land held In fee-simple. ft Companion, fellow; used contemptuously. « Whose greatnets. Jbc., i.e. " which of us two in deeds best answers to his words." Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scene 10. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT V. Scene 1. Cade. By my valour, the most complete ; champion that ever I heard ! — Stepl, if thou : turn the edge, or cut not out the burly-bon'd ' clown in chines of beef ere thou sleep in thy sheath, I beseech Grod on my knees thou ^ mayst be tum'd to hobnails. [They Jiff ht. Cade faiU.] O, I am slain! famine and no other hath , slain me: let ten thousand devils come against me, and give me but the ten meals I have lost, and I'd defy them alL Wither, garden; and be henceforth a burying-place to all that do I dwell in this house, because the unconquered soul of Cade is fled. 7o Iden, Is 't Cade that I have slain, that mon- ^ strous traitor? Sword, I will hallow thee for this thy deed. And hang thee o'er my tomb when I am dead : Ne'er shall this blood be wiped from thy point; But thou shalt wear it as a herald's coat, To emblaze* the honour that thy master got Cade. Iden, farewell, and be proud of thy' victory. Tell Kent from me, she hath lost' her best man, and exhort all the world to be > cowards; for I, that never feared any, am^ vanquished by famine, not by valour. si ? [Dies.' Iden. How much thou wrong'st me, heaven ;; be my judge. ^ Die, damned wretch, the curse of her that^ bare thee; ^ And as I thrust thy body with my sword, J So wish I, I might thrust thy soul to hell. j; Hence will I drag thee headlong by the^J heels ^ Unto a dunghill which shall be thy grave, { And there cut off" thy most ungracious head; ;! Which I will bear in triumph to the king, ;^ Leaving thy tnmk for crows to feed upon. 90 ' [E.veunt Iden and tServants vrUh \ Cad^s body. ] ^ ACT V. Scene I. Fields between Dartford and Blackkeath. The King's camp on one side. On the other enter York, attended with drums and colours; his forces at some distance. York. From Ireland thus comes York to claim his right, And pluck the crown from feeble Henry's head: Ring, bells, aloud ; bum, bonfires, clear and bright, To entertain great England's lawful king. ;[Ah! sancta majestas!^ who would not buy '. thee dear? Let them obey that know not hoW to rule; 'This hand was made to handle nought but gold. I cannot give due action to my words, ^ Except a sword or sceptre balance it:^ . A sceptre shall it have, have I* a soul, lo !On which I'll toes the flower-de-luce of France. ] 1 Emblaze, emblazon, display. s Saticta majfstasJ holy majesty! » It, i.e. niy hand. * Have /=aa 1 have. Entei' Bl'ckinoham. [Aside] Whom have we here? Buckingham, to disturb me? The king hath sent him, sure: I must dis- semble. Buck. York, if thou meanest well, I greet thee well. VorJI:. Humphrey of Buckingham, I accept thy greeting. Art thou a messenger, or come of pleasure? Buck. A messenger from Henry, our dread liege. To know the reason of these arms in peace; Or why thou, being a subject as I am, 19 Against thy oath and true allegiance sworn. Should raise so great a power without his leave. Or dare to bring thy force so near the court. York. [Aside] Scarce can I speak, my choler is so great: [ O, I could hew up rocks and fight with flint, I am so angry at these abject terms; And now, like Ajax Telamonius, On sheep or oxen could I sj^end my fury. ] I am far better bom than is the king, 63 Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 1. KING HENRY VI.~PART 11. ACT V. Scene L More like a king, more kingly in my thoughts: But I must make fair weather yet a while, 30 Till Henry be more weak and I more strong. — 0 Buckingham, I prithee, pardon me, That I have given no answer all this while; My mind was troubled with deep melancholy. The cause why I have brought this army hither Is to remove proud Somerset from the king, Seditious to his grace and to the state. Bitck, That is too much presumption on thy part: But if thy arms be to no other end, The king hath yielded unto thy demand: 40 The Duke of Somerset is in the Tower. York. Upon thine honour, is he prisoner? Biuik. Upon mine honour, he fs prisoner. York, Then, Buckingham, I do dismiss my powers. Soldiers, I thank you all; disperse yourselves; Meet me to-morrow in Saint George's field. You shall have pay and every thing you wish. And let my sovereign, virtuous Henry, Command my eldest son, nay, all my sons. As pledges of my fealty^ and love; 50 1 '11 send them all as willing as I live : Lands, goods, horse, armour, any thing I have. Is his to use, so Somerset may die. Biick. York, I commend this kind submis- sion: We twain will go into his highness' tent Enter King Henry, attended. King. Buckin^iam, doth York intend no harm to us. That thus he marchetb with thee arm in arm ? York. In all submission and humility York doth present himself unto your highness. King. Then what intends these forces thou dost bring? co York. To heave the traitor Somerset from hence. And fight against that monstrous rebel Cade, Who since I heard to be discomfited. EtUer Iden, icith Cade's head. Iden. If one so rude and of so mean con- dition > Fealty, pronounced ai a tria>ilable. 64 May pass into the presence of a king, Lo, I present yoiu* grace a traitor's head, The head of Cade, whom I in combat slew. King. The head of Cade ! — Great God, how just art Thou ! — O, let me view his visage, being dead, That living wrought me such exceeding trouble. — to Tell me, my friend, art thou the man that slew him? Idea. I was, an 't like* your majesty. Kitig. How art thou call'd? and what is thy degree? Iden. Alexander Iden, that 's my name; A poor esquire of Kent, that loves his king. BiLck. So please it you, my lord, 't were not amiss He were created knight for his good service. King. Iden, kneel down [He hieds]. Iden, rise up a knight. 7s We give thee for reward a thousand marks, And will that thou henceforth attend on ua Iden. May Iden live to merit such a bounty, And never live but true unto his liege I [Bises. Enter Queen and Somerset. King. See, Buckingham, Somei-set comes with the queen: Go, bid her hide him quickly from the duke. Queen. For thousaiid Yorks he shall not hide his head. But boldly stand and front him to his face. York. How now I is Somerset at liberty? Then, York, unloose thy long- imprisoned thoughts. And let thy tongue be equal with thy heart. Shall I endure the sight of Somerset ? — oo False king ! why hast thou broken faith with me. Knowing how hardly I can brook abuse? King did I call thee? no, thou art not king. Not fit to govern and rule multitudes. Which dar'st not, no, nor canst not rule a traitor. That head of thine doth not become a crown; Thy hand is made to grasp a jialmer's^ stafi*. And not to grace an awful princely sceptre. ^ Au't like, if you please. 5 Palmer" 9, pilgrim's. Digitized by Google ACT V. Soene 1. KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT V. Scene 1. ^^[Poiiitin^ to the crown] That gold must J round engirt these brows of mine, 99 ^ Whose smile and frown, like to Achilles' spear, J Is able with the change to kill and cure. ^ Here is a hand to hold a sceptre up, 'And with the same to act^ controlling laws.] Give place: by heaven, thou shalt rule no more Cer him whom heaven created for thy ruler. tSoin. O monstrous traitor! — I arrest thee, York, Of capital treason 'gainst the king and crown: Obey, audacious traitor; kneel for grace. York. Wouldst have me kneeU first let me ask of these, [pointi?ig to his Attendants] If they can brook I bow a knee to man. — Sirrah, call in my sons to be my bail: iii [Eant Attendant. I know, ere they will have me go to ward,^ They 11 pawn their swords for my enfranchise- ment. Queen, Call hither Clifford; bid him come amain. To say if that the bastard boys of York Shall be the surety for their traitor father. [Exit Buckinghum, York. O blood-bespotted Neapolitan, Outcast of Naples, England's bloody scourge ! The sons of York, thy betters in their birth. Shall be their father's bail; and bane to those That for my surety will refuse the boys ! 121 See where they come: I'll warrant they'll make it good. Enter, on one side, Edward and Richard Plantaoenet, tinth Forces; on the other old Clifford and his Son, with Forces also. Queen. And here comes Clifford to deny their bail C7tf. Health and all happiness to my lord the King ! [Kneels to King Ilenry. York. I thank thee, Clifford: say, what news with thee? Nay, do not fright us with an angry look: W6 are thy sovereign, Clifford; kneel again; For thy mistaking so, we pardon thee. Clif. This is my king, York, I do not mis- take; 129 But thou mistak'st me much to think I do: — To act =io pnt in action. VOL. IL > Ward, prison. To Bedlam with him I is the man grown mad? King. Ay, Clifford; a bedlam and ambitious humour 1S2 Makes him oppose himself against his king. Men. Lo, I present your grace a tnftor'i head.— (Act r. 1. «.) Clif. He is a traitor; let him to the Tower, And chop away that factious pate of his. Queen. He is arrested, but will not obey; His sons, he says, shall give their words for him. Y thou canst tell. ; liicL If not in heaven, you '11 surely sup in ' helL "2 [Exeunt severaUy. ScxirE IL Saint AlbaiCi. Alarums: excursions. Enter Warwick. War. Clifford of Cumberland, 't is Warwick calls: ^ [ And if thou dost not hide thee from the bear, ^ Now, — when the angry trumpet sounds alarum ^ And dead men's cries do fill the empty air, — ] Clifford, I say, come forth and fight with me: '[Proud northern lord, Clifford of Cumber- '. land,] Warwick is hoarse with caUing thee to arms. Enter York. How now, my noble lord! what, all afoot? York. The deadly-handed Clifford slew my steed, 0 But match to match I have encountered him And made a prey for carrion kites and crows Even of the bonny beast he lov'd so welL Enter old Clifford. War. Of one, or both of us, the time is come. York. Hold, Warwick, seek thee out some other chase. For I myself must hunt this deer to death. War. Then, nobly, York; 'tis for a crown thou fight'st — As I intend, Clifford, to thrive to-day, It grieves my soul to leave thee unassail'd* • [Exit C^if. What seest thou in me, York? why dost thou pause? 1 Stigmatic, one on whom natore bat Mt the ttigwia, or mark of deformity. I York. With thy brave bearing should I be in love, 20 But that thou art so fast mine enemy. Clif. Nor should thy prowess want praise and esteem, But that 't is shown ignobly and in treason. York, So let it help me now against thy sword, As I in justice and true right express it. Clif. My soul and body on the action^ both! York. A dreadful lay!^ — address thee* in- stantly. [Theyfight^ and Clifford falls. Clif La Jin couronne les oeuvres.^ [Dies. York. Thus war hath given thee peace, for thou art still. 29 Peace with his soul, heaven, if it be thy will I [Exit. Enter Young Clitford. Y. Clif Shame and confusion! all is on the rout; Fear frames disorder, and disoirder wounds Where it should guard. O war, thou son of heU, Whom angry heavens do make their minister. Throw in the frozen bosoms of our piii t^ Hot coals of vengeance I [ Let no soldier fly: > He that is truly dedicate' to war ^ Hath no self-love; nor he that loves him-^ self ] Hath not essentially, but by circumstance, ( The name of valour. — ] \ [Seeing his dead father. O, let the vile world end. And the premised^ flames of the last day Knit earth and heaven together! 42 ^ Now let the general trumpet blow his blast, '' Particularities'* and petty sounds i To cease !^** — Wast thou ordain'd, dear father,; To lose thy youth in peace, and to achieve ^ The silver livery of advised" age, ^ And, in thy reverence and thy chair- days, ^ thus \ To die in ruffian battle ? ] Even at this sight \ « Action, combnt » Lay, wager. ^ Addreti thee, prepare thee. » •* Th% end trmniM the tcork." « Port, party. ^ Dedioato= dedicated. * Premised, sent before thetr time. • PartietUarUiee, opposed to general Id line above. 10 To eeam^ i.e. to cause to cease, u Adnimd, sedate. 67 Digitized by Google ACT V. Soene 2. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT V. 8oen« 2. My heart is tum'd to stone: and while 'tis mine, 50 ^ It shall be stony. ^ York not our old men >No more will I their babes: tears virginal $ Shall be to me even as the dew to fire, / -' >^ F. Clif. York not our old men «parei ; No motre will I their babes.— As wild Medea young Absyrtus^ did: ] In cruelty will I seek out my fame. 60 ^QCome, thou new ruin of old Clifford's house: ) As did ^neas old Anchises bear, 1 Abtyrtu$t the brother of Mede*. (See note 809.) 68 So bear I thee upon my manly shoulders; \ But then ^neas bare a living load, 64 > Nothing so heavy as these woes of mine. ^ ] [Exit, hearing off his father, [^ Enter Richard Plantaqenet a7id Somerset^ fighting; Somerset is killed. I Rich, So, Ue thou there; For underneath an alehouse' paltry sign. The Castle in Saint Alban's, Somerset Hath made the wizard famous in his death.' Sword, hold thy temper; heart, be wrathful^ still : • 70 ; Priests pray for enemies, but princes kill. ] ^ [Exit. Alarums: excursions. Enter Kino Henry, Queen Margaret, aTid others retreating. Queen. Away, my lord! you are slow; for shame, away! Ki7ig. Can we outrun the heavens? good Margaret, stay. Queen. What are you made of? you'll nor fight nor fly: Q Now is it manhood, wisdom and defence, / To give the enemy way, and to secure us ^ By what we can, which can no more but fly.]5 [A larum afar off. If you be ta'en, we then should see the bottom Of all our fortunes: but if we haply scape, — As well we may, if not through^ your neglect, — We shall to London get, where you are lov'd And where this breach now in our fortunes made 82 May readily be stopp'd. Re-enter Young Clifpord. Y. Clif. But that my heart's on future mis- chief set, I would speak blasphemy ere bid you fly: But fly you must; Q uncurable discomfit Reigns in the hearts of all our present part* Away, for your relief ! and we will live To see their day and them our fortune give:] J Away, my lord, away! [Exeunt. s Alluding to the prophecy of the spirit (See L L 88.) * If not ihrtmgh, i.e. unleae prevented hy. « Part = party. Digitized by Google ACT V. Soene S. KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT V. Soene 3. ScENB III. Fidds near St, Alban^s, Alarums, Retreat, Flourish; then enter York, Richard Plantaobnet, Warwick, and Soldiers, with drum and coUmrs, York. Old Salisbury, who can report of him, That winter lion, who in rage forgets Aged contusions and all brush of time. And, like a gallant in the brow of youth. Repairs him with occasion? This happy day Is not itself, nor have we won one foot. If Salisbury be lost. Rick, My noble father. Three times to-day I holp him to his horse. Three times bestrid him, thrice I led him off. Persuaded him from any further act: lo But still, where danger was, still there I met him ; !![ And like rich hangings in a homely house, \ So was his will in his old feeble body. ] But, noble as he is, look w^pre he comes. Enter Salisbury. Sal, Now, by my sword, well hast thou fought to-day; ^ the mass, so did we alL — I thank you, Richard: God knows how long it is I have to live; And it hath pleas'd him that three times to- day You have defended me from imminent death. — Well, lords, we have not got that which we have:^ 20 T is not enough our foes are this time fled. Being opposites of such repairing nature.* York, I know our safety is to follow them; For, as I hear, the king is fled to London, To call a present court of parliament Let us pursue him ere the writs go forth: — What says Lord Warwick? shall we after them? War. After them! nay, before them, if we can. Now, by my faith, lords, 'twas a glorious day: Saint Alban's battle won by famous York so Shall be etemiz'd in all age to come. — Soimd drums and trumpets, — and to London all: And more such days as these to us befall ! [Exeunt, ^ie.*- We have Tiot secured that which ire now posseBS." < i.e. "Being enemiefi so able to recover from defeat." 69 Digitized by Google M AP TO ILLUSTRATE KING HENRY VI.-PART II. Digitized by Google NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART II. DRAMATIS PERSONS. 1. King Henrt the Sixth. See note 1, 1. Henry VI. Z. HuMPHRBT. DUKE OF QL0UCB8TBB, hiB uude. See uute 8, 1. Henry VL 5. Cardinal Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, great- uncle to the king. See note 5, L Henry VI. 4. Richard Plamtaoenet, Dnke of York. See note 7, L Henry VI. As the children of York figure in this play, it may be well to record the fact that Richard Flantagenet married Cicely Neville, daughter of Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland, by his second marriage with Joan, daugh- ter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and widow of Sir Robert Ferrers. By this marriage he obtained the support of the powerful Neville family and their many connections. How many these were may be guessed from the fact that Cicely was the eighteenth of a family of twenty-two, of whom the first nine were by the earl's first wife, Margaret, the daughter of Hugh, Earl of Staf- ford. The duke had, altogether, by his wife Cicely, eight sons and four daughters. Four sons died young. Of the other four two are mentioned below, Edward and Richard. The other two were Edmund, Earl of Rutland, and George, Duke of Clarence, of whom memoirs will be given in the next play. Of the four daughters the eldest, Aune, married first, Henry Holland, second and last Duke of Exeter, who figures in the next play; the second, Elizabeth, married John de la Pole, the son of the Duke of Suffolk; the third, Margaret, became the third wife of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy; and the fourth died young. i. Edward and Richard Plantagenbt. The historic period of this play extends from April, 1445, to May, 1456. At the latter date Edward was only thirteen years old, having been bom in 1422; while Richard was barely three years old, having been bom in October, 1462. The ac- count of these two characters will be more appropriately given in the notes of the next play. 6. Edmuhd Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, succeeded his brother. John Beaufort, in 1444. See I. Henry VI. note «. Collins says (vol. i. p. 223) he was "Earl of Mortien in Normandy, and created Marquis of Dorset on June 24tb, 14a. In 24th Henry VI. (t.^. 1446) he was Regent of Normandy; and in 26th Henry VI. {i.e. 1448) created Duke of Somerset." According to Holinshed (vol Ui. p. 206) it would seem that the Duke of York was originally appointed Regent of France after the decease of the Duke of Bedford, for a period of five years, and that his appointment was to be renewed for another period of five years ; but the Duke of Somerset obtained the ofllce, and replaced the Duke of York in 1446. Somerset's appointment, said to be owing mainly to the influence of Suffolk, very much increased the enmity which existed between him and the Duke of York. (See L Henry VL note 198.) Both Collhis and French say tliat he was created Duke of Somerset in 1448, the 26th year of Henry VL's reign. By a curious mistake l)oth Hall and Holinshed talk of Edmund, Duke of Somerset, in the year 1440; while Holinshed under the year 1438 (vol. iii. p. 192) says: "After this, Henrie earle of Mortaigne, Sonne to Edmund duke of Sunimei'set, ariued at Chier- burgh with fuure hundred archers, and three hundred speares, and passed through Nomiandie, till he came Into the countie of Maine." Under the years 1439, 1440, Holinshed gives an account of the military exploits of the Duke of Somerset, whom he calls (vol iii. p. 196) *' Ed- mund duke of Summerset," and speaks of him as accom- panying the Duke of York, then Regent of France ; but here he only copies Hall (p. 194) "he himself {i.e. York) accompanied with Edmond duke of Somereet, set forward into the Ducliie of Aniow." We must therefore suppose that both Hall and Holinshed have made a mistake. What is certain is that this Edmund was the Duke of Somerset on whom devolvecl the command of the English armies in France after 1445; he seems to have been ex- tremely unfortunate. Lingard (vol. iv. p. 87), speaking of his position in Normandy, in 1449, says: " The Duke of Somerset, surrounded with disaffection and treason, un able to face the enemy in the field, and forbidden to hope for assistance from England, was compelled to shut him- self up in the capital, and to behold from the walls of the cavtle the fall of the fortresses around him." Opposed to him was the celebrated Dunois, the Bastard of Orleans, the most able general on the French side. Some attempt to render him assistance seems to have been made, on the part of the home government, in 1450; but the small body of men, sent to his assistance under Sir lliomas Kyriel, were defeated April 18, 1450: and by August in that year, the whole of Normandy was reconquered by the French, and in another twelve months all the English possessions in France, except Calais, had submitted to Charles. In October, 1450, the Duke of Somerset returned from France ; and, although his ill fortune could not be attributed to any want of valour or good faith on his part, he was looked upon as a traitor, and, together with Suffolk, became the object of popular detestation. In 1452. at the instance of the Duke of York, Somerset was ordered into custody on a charge of treason. This charge he retorted on his accuser; York, in his turn, was ar- rested, and, had the advice of the Duke of Somerset been followed, would then and there have been executed as a traitor, and the Wars of the Roses would, probably, never have taken place. In November, 1453, York having been recalled into the cabinet, Somerset was committed to the Tower. In the following year the government of Calais was taken away from him and given to his rival. Shortly 71 Digitized by Google Draniatts Pa NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART II. Afterwards, the Ung having been restored tu health. Somersefc was liberated; the king pattiDg ao end to all disputes between the two rivals oo that point by hims^ asBinning the government of Calais. In that year the dames of ciril war that had so long been sroooldering borst forth; and in the very Arst battle, that of St Albans, Bomerset was slain. He married Eleanor, second daugh- ter and co-heir of Bichanl Beancharop, Earl of Warwick. He had fonr sons and foor daoghteriw Of these sons the eldest, Henry, the one mentioned in the passage In Holln- shed alMve. succeeded his father as third dnlce. He was taken prisoner at the battle of Hexham, 1464, and there beheaded by the YorkisU the day after the batUe. He was succeeded by Edmund, the fourth and last duke, who figures among the Dramatis Personse in the next play. Two younger brothers, John and Thomas, died without issue, and with tliem terminated the male issue of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster. 7. DVEB OF Ai'FFOLK. This b the Earl of Suffolk of the last play. (8ee note 10.) He was created Marquis of Suffolk in 1444, as a return for his supposed good services in arranging the marriage between the king and Margaret of Anjou, and Duke of Suffolk in 1448. He married Alice, widow of Thomas Montacute, Earl of Salisbury. (See L Henry VL note 0.) She was the Earl of Salisbury's second wife, and was granddaughter of Chaucer, the poet. She had by the duke two sons, of whom the elder, John de la Pole, was restored to the title of Duke of Suffolk in the third year of Edward IV. He married Elizabeth, sister of Edward IV., and daughter of the Duke of York of this play. Their son John, Earl of Lincoln, was de- clared heir to the crown by Bichard III., his uncle, in default of issue to his own son, the Prince of Wales. This Lincoln, in 1487, countenance'or- thampton, July 10th, 1460. In III. Henry VL he is wrongly represented as having been killed at the battle of St. Albans, where Edward says (L L 10-lS): Lord Slalford's father. Duke of BMcti*tgham, Is either slain or wounded dangerously ; I cleft bb beaver with a downright blow. That this is true, father, behold his blood. 9. Lord Cufford. This is Thomas, eighth Lord de Clifford, son of John de Clifford, and Elizabeth Percy, the daughter of Hotspur, by his wife Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Edmund Mortimer, third Earl of March. (See I. Henry VI. note IS.) Lord de Clifford was there- fore directly descended from Edward III. through his maternal grandmother. He was sheriff of Westmoreland, 1422, and appears to have sat in parliament from the fif- teenth to the thirty-first years of Henry VL He was the only son. After his father's decease, his mother married Balph Neville. Earl of Westmoreland. Lord aifford was a most ardent Lancastrian. He was killed at the battle of St. Albans, May 22d. 1455, when only forty years old. He married Joan, daughter of Lord Dacre of Gilsland, by whom be had four sons and iive daughters. The eldest son, John de Clifford, is the Young Clifford of this and the Lord Clifford of the following play. 10. Earl of Salisbury was Bichard Neville, the father of the king-maker. (See I. Henry VI. note 8, second paragraph.) At first attached to Henry VI. he was after- wards induced by family ties to join the party of the Duke of York, who had married his sister. (See above, note 4.) He held the chief command in the army of tlie Yorkisto at the first batUe of St. Albans, 1455. After that an earnest attempt was made to reconcile the two factions, an attempt which promised at first to be success- ful. Two years passed without any sign of renewed hos- tilities between them, and in 1457, according to Fabyan (p. 631): "the quene suspectynge the cytie of London, and demyd it to be more fauourable vnto the duke of Yorkys partye than hyrs, causyd the king to remoue from London vnto Couentre, and there helde hym a louge season. In wbicbe tyme the duke of Yorke was sent for Digitized by Google Dramati* Penoiua. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. Dramatis Penouaa. tliyther by pryuey seale, with also the erle of Saletbury, and the erle of Warwyke, where, by covyne of the queae, they were all ill in great daunger. Howe be it by mon- yaahement of theyr frendys they escapyd; and loone after the sayd dnke or erle went into the Northe, and the erle of Warwyke, with a goodly company, saylyd vnto Calays." The very next year an affray took place between one of the Benrants of the king and a servant of the Earl of Warwick, and the hoUownest of the peace which the gentle Henry had patched up between the two factions was soon made manifest. Warwick having been threat- ened by some of the king's servants professed to be in fear of his life, and took refuge at Calais. Seeing that Warwick had escaped, the queen with her party resolved to attack the Earl of Salisbury; and Lord Audley. with ten thousand men, was sent to arrest him and bring him prisoner to London (see Fabyan, p. 6S4X Salisbury, though at the head of a much smaller force, attacked Lord Audley at Bloreheath in Staffordshire. The battle was very fiercely contested. Salisbury's forces did not number more than half of that of his opponent; but he gmined a complete victory and Lord Audley was slain. The number of killed amounted to 2400 in this battle, which may be said to have been the renewal, if not the commencement of the civil war. After the battle of St. Albans the Duke of York made a quasi-submission to the king in the parliament held at Coventry in 1400. Salisbury was attainted of high treason as well as the other lords who had Joined the Duke of York, and in the same year the battle of Northampton was fought, in which Salisbury took an important part, and the king's forces were de- ft ated; but fortune changed in the next year; for, at the baUle of Wakefield, the Dnke of York was killed ; SaUsbury and others being taken prisoners, were beheaded at Pomfret by order of the queen. By his wife Alice be had six sons and six daughters. Of the daughters, Eleanor and Catherine married respectively Lord Stanley and Lord Hastings, who both appear among the Dramatis Personss of Richard IIL ; while Mai^^aret became the wife of the Earl of Oxford who figures in the next play. Of the sons the eldest, Richard, is the celebrated king-maker. The second. Sir Thomas Neville, was killed at Wakefield. The third, John Neville, is the Marquis of Montague in III. Henry VL; and the fourth, George Neville, was made Archbishop of York. The two remaining sons died young. The brother, whose death is alluded to, III. Henry YI. iL 8. 15, was a bastard. (See note 162 on that play.) 11. Babl of Wabwick. Richard Neville, Eari of Warwick, known as the King-maker, really makes his first appearance in this play. (See I. Henry VI. note 8.) He seems not to have come into any prominence until the battle of St Albans, 1466. From that day he became one of the leaders, if not absolutely the chief leader, of the Yorkist party. Towards the end of the same year, the Duke of Yoric having been appointed protector of the realm during the illness of the king, the Earl of Salisbury was made chancellor, and his son Warwick governor of Calais. In 1458 the custody of the sea was taken from the Dnke of Exeter, and given to Warwick for a term of five years. On May 29th of that same year he attacked a fleet of twenty-eight sail with a very inferior force. Fabyan (p. 633) says that they were Spanish ships, but they appear really to have been a fleet belonging to the citizens of Lubeck; and complaint Iiaving been made against Warwick of this wanton attack upon them, he was summoned to attend at Westminster, on which occasion the affray, mentioned above in note 10, took place. Before taking his departure for Calais he appears to have arranged with his father and with the Duke of York a plan of the future campaign; and on his return to France he immediately set to work to enlist under him the veterans who had served in Normandy and Guienne. In September of next year he Joined the Duke of York and his father at Ludlow. Tlie greater part of these veterans seem to have been under the command of Sir Andrew Trollope. who, on finding the real purpose of the Yorkists was treasonable, deserted to the king with all his soldiers. This alarmed the Yorkists, and they broke up their force^ Warwick returning to Calais. In November of the same year a parliament was held at Coventry, in which an attainder was passed against the Duke of York and all his party, including the Earl of Warwick, who was now superseded both in the government of the fleet and in the government of CaUds; in that of the former by the Duke of Exeter, and in that of the latter by the Duke of Somerset; but most of the ships as well as the town of Calais remained faithful to Warwick. His popularity was such that he was now recognteed by the Duke of York himself as the chief hope of his party. On July 10, 1460. the battle of Northampton took place, in which the Yorkists under Warwick were victorious, and King Henry was taken prisoner. At the end of the same year, on December 30th, the battle of Wakefield was fought, in which York was killed and his army totally defeated by the Lancastrians under Queen Margaret Warwick took no part in this battle; but on February 17th of the same year he was defeated at St Albans by the Queen's army, and King Henry, who was under the Earl's charge, was restored to his wife and son. In spite of this victory, York's eldest son, Edward, succeeded in uniting his forces with those of Warwick. He entered London on March 4th, and was proclaimed king, under the title of Edward IV., on March 29th. In the following year. 1461. the battle of Towton was fought llie Lancastrians were completely defeated ; and the popularity of Edward IV. was such that Warwick ceased to occupy that paramount position among the Yorkists which he had hitherto enjoyed. Whether his real reason for deserting the Y^orkists and Joining the Lancastrians was that given by the old chroniclers, and alluded to in III. Henry VI. iii. 8. 188, may be doubted. Perhaps the insult offered by the king to one of his female relatives was a mere excuse, snatched at by one who, having been so long accustomed to play the first r6Ie, now found himself cast for an inferior part Be this as it may, either personal pique or disappointed ambition induced the great eari, in 1470. to declare himself in favour of Henry VI. By the end of this year Henry was again King of England, and Warwick had again resumed his offices as Chamberlain of England and Captain of Calais. In March of the following year Edward, having been formally deposed, landed with a few hundred men at Ravenspurg. At first there seemed little chance of his regaining the crown he had lost; but Clarence, who 73 Digitized by Google DnmatU Penouie. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.~PART II. DxmmaUs PenoiUB. had ftlreftdy b«en faithleas to the memory of his father and to the cause of his brother, once more played the traitor, and deserted his father-in-law, Warwick, at the most critical moment Late on Easter eve. 1471, the fatal l>attle of Bamet was fought; and in the midst of a slaughter, which has perhaps been exaggerated by some of the chroniclers, though it was undoubtedly very great, the king-maker fell. His body was found in a somewhat remote spot, stripped of its armour; it was afterwards exposed, with all indignity, for three days on. the pave- ment of St Paul's, and then buried in the abbey of Bilsam. Thus died the great earl, the last, it may be said, of those powerful nobles who were subjects only in name, who, by their personal qualities, immense posses- sions, and well-organized bands of followers, virtually held the fate of England in their own hands. By his wife he had no sons, only two daughters, the elder of whom, Isabel, was married to the Duke of Clarence; the second. Lady Anne, married Prince Edward, tlie son of Henry VL, and is the " Lady Anne " of Bichard IIL U. Lord Scales. Thomas Scales, seventh Lord Scales, Eon of Bobert Lord Scales and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of William Lord Bardolt He succeeded his brother Richard, 1418. French says (p. 162): "He was much engaged in tlie wars of Henry V. in France;" but I find no mention of him at all in Holinshed till the very last year of Henry V.'s reign; when he was sent by the Earl of Suf- folk with other commanders against Sir Oliver Mannie whom tliey defeated " at a place called Le parke leues que. in English, The bishop's parke " (vol ill. p. 130). The next year he assisted at the siege of Port Meiilan. He was sent with Sir John Fastolfe in the next year to conquer " the countries of Aniow and Elaine " (Holinshed, vol ill p. 143). In 1427 Lord Scales distinguished himself by remarkable courage in an engagement fought near St Michael's Mount during tlie siege of Pontorson. After this he seems to have been associated in the command witli Talbot, and uas taken prisoner with him at the battle of Patay. During the insurrection of Jack Cade, Lord Scales was placed in command of the Tower of London. He was made a Knight of the Garter by Henry VI., and faithfully adhered to the Lancastrian liarty. During the civil war, in 1459, he went with the l^arl of Wiltshire to Newbury, and took part in the cruel inquisition there, by which all who favoured the party of the Duke of York were hanged, drawn, and quartered, and the inhabitants of the town plundered of all their pro- perty. This was one of the acts on the part of the Lancastrians which earned them the hatred of the people. In the very next year Lord Scales met with his death. After the battle of Northampton, the Tower of London was surrendered to Edward, Earl of March (after- wards Edward IV.), and, as Holinshed narrates (voL iii p. 261) : " the lord Scales suspecting the sequele of the deliuerie thereof, tooke a wherrie priuilie, intending to have fled to the queene ; but he was espied by diuerse watermen belonging to the earle of Warwike (which waited for foorth comming on the Thames) and suddenlie taken, was shortlie slaine with manie darts and daggers, and his bodie left naked and all bloudie at the gate of the cUnke, and afttr was buried in the church adioininf." 74 He married Emma, eldest daughter of Sir John Wales- borouglL By her he had one son, who died before his father; and an only daughter, Elisabeth, who, becoming his heiress, married, first. Sir Henry Bonrchier, and, secondly. Sir Anthony Woodville, the Lord Bivers of Richard III., who became Lord Scales in right ot his wife. 11 Lord Sat. This is Sir James Fienee (or Fiennes). second son of Sir William Fienes, who was the only son of Sir William Fienes and Joan de Say, his wife, third sister and co-heir to William de Say. The elder brother. Sir Roger de Fienes, obtained from Henry V., in 1418, the lordship of De la Court, and part of the bailiwick of CtiWL in Normandy. In 1410 he was made Captain of Arques, and in 1447 he was summoned to parliament as Lord Say and Sele in right of his mother Joan mentioned above. In the same parliament he was made a baron of Great Britain by the same title of Say and Sele; and In February of the same year he was made Constable of Dover and Warden of the Cinque Ports; in August he was made Constable of the Tower of London, during the minority of Uie son of the Duke of Exeter; and on Octo- ber SO, 1449, he was made Lord Treasurer. He was one of the most unpopular ministers, and was included in the impeachment by the House of (dromons in the fol- lowing year, 1450, with the Duke of Suffolk and others. The rebellion of the Kentish men breaking out, the kin;; committed Lord Say to the Tower, in order to appease the popular clamour. When the rebels entered London they took him by force out of the Tower; and, in spite of his claiming the privilege to be tried by his peers, brought him before the Lord Umjot and other justices; then, after what could scarcely be called a trial, he was dragged off to the Standard In Cheapside, where the rebels beheaded him; and, after stripping his body naked, caused it to be dragged at a horse's tail into Southwark. and there hanged and quartered. His execution occurred on July 4, 1451. He left one son. Sir William Fienes, who was killed at the battle of Bamet, April 14, 1471, fighting on the side of King Edward. 14. Sir Humphrey Stafford and William Stafford, his brother, 'i'hefie brothers were sons of Sir Humphrey Stafford, who died in 142a French says (p. 165): " They were the sons of Sir Humphrey Stafford, of Grafton (ob. 7 Henry VI X by his wife Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir of Sir John Burdett, of Huncote. The elder of the brothers. Sir Humphrey, was sheriff of the county of Gloucester, 2 and 9 Henry VI." According to Fuller, "he was, by King Henry VL, made governor of Calais" (Worthies. voL iL p. 258). Hall gives the following account of his death; the king having gone against Jack Cade and the Kentish rebels who were encamped on Blackheath, Cade, "entendyng to bryng the kyng farther, within the compasse of his net, brake vp bis campe, and retyred backwarde to the towne of Seuenocke in Kent, and there exspectynge his pray, encamped him selfe, and made his abode. The Quene, which bare the rule, beyng of his retrayte well aduer- tised, sent syr Humfrey Stafford knyght, and William his brother with many other gentelmen, to folow the chace of the Kentishmen. thinkynge that they had fledde, but yerely, they were desceuyed: for at the fyrst skyrmish. Digitized by Google DmmiUis Per8on%. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. DramatU Penouaa. both the Staffordes were ilayne. aud all their companye Bliamfolly diflcomflted." . . . Further on he says: "When Uie Kentish capitayn, or ye oonetons Cade, had thus ob- teyiied victory, and Blayne the two valeannt Staffordes, be appareled hym setfe in their rich armnre, and so with pompe and glory returned agayn toward London" (p. 220X Sir Humphrey married Eleanor, daughter and heir of Sir Thomas Aylesbury, Knight, of Blatherwiclc. Their ■on. Sir Humphrey Stafford of Grafton, fought on the side of Richard UI. at Bos worth, and was amongst those who fled from the battle-field and took sanctuary in St. John's Church at Gloucester, with his brother Thomas Stafford and Lord LoTeL He appears to have gone af terwanls to the sanctuary at Colchester, to have left there in 1486, the first year of Henry VII. 's reign, and to have Joined T«ord LoTel in his rebellion. After the defeat of that nobleman by the Duke of Bedford, Sir Humphrey Stafford and his brother Thomas fled to Colnham, a village about two miles from Abingdon. That sanctuary being pro- nounced not a sufficient defence against traitors, he was taken thence, brought to the Tower, and executed at Tyburn, his brother Thomas being pardoned. From this family of Stafford the great Duke of Wellington was descended by his mother's side. 15. Sir Johh Starlby was the third son of Sir Thomas Stanley, first Lord Stanley, and of his wife Joan, daughter and co-heir of Sir Robert Goushlll, her mother being Elizabeth daughter and heir of Richard Fitx Alan, Earl of Arundell, and descended from Edward I. Lord Stanley had four sons, of whom the eldest. Thomas Stanley, is the Lord Stanley in Richard III., afterwards first Earl "f Derby. The second. Sir William Stanley, is a char- acter in the next play. Sir John Stanley is generally known as Sir John Stanley of Weever, having married Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir of Thomas Weever of Weever, in the county of Chester. From him is descended the present Lord Stanley of Alderley, and the late Dean of Westminster. Little mention of him is made in his- tory. Hall tells us (p. 202) that the Duchess of Glouces- ter, after her conviction for sorcery and treason, was "adiudged to perpetuall prisone in the Isle of Man, voder the kepyng of sir Ihon Staley, knyght" 16. Vaux. He was the son of Sir William Vaux of Harrowden, and Matilda, daughter of Sir Walter Lucy. He was a faithful adherent of Henry VI., and was killed at the battle of Tewksbury, 1471. His son Nicholas, who is a character in Henry VIII., was restored to his estates by Henry VII., and was created first Lord Vaux by Henry VIIL 17. Matthbw Gouoh, who is only a penona muta in this play, was a member of a Welsh family, one of whose descendants in 1796 became Lord Calthorpe. The name of Oough or Goffe occurs frequently in the Chronicles; he having distinguished himself on several occasions in the war with France. He was one of those who escaped after the very disastrous battle of Fonrmigny on April 18, 1450. He was killed on London Bridge by the rebels under Cade. Hall, in recording his death, speaks of him (p. 222) as "a man of great wit, much experience in feates of chiualrie, the which in continual warres. had valeauntly serued the kyng and his father, in the partes bcy6d the •ea (as before ye have hearde)." 18. Alexander Iden. In his History of Kent, under Ripley, Hasted says: " The Idens were a family of great antiquity and good estate about Iden, in the county of Sussex, and Rolveden in this county, and in them it con- tinued down to Alexander Iden, who resided here in the 28th year of K. Henry VI., the latter half of which year he was sheriff of this county, being appointed to that office on the death of William Crowmer, Esq., who had been put to death by the rebel Cade and his followers." Under Hothfleld the same writer says: " Jack Cade, de- serted by his followers, concealed himself in the wood.s near this place, belonging to Ripley Manor, in Westwell. soon after which he was discovered by Alexander Iden, esq., Sheriff of this county, as some sf^, in a field belong- ing to that manor in Westwell parish, but by others in a field of this parish, still named from that circiunstance Jack Cade's field." Holinshed says it was at Hothfleld in Sussex. Iden was subsequently appointed Governor of Rochester Castle, and was again Sheriff of Kent in 145G. 1457. He married the widow of his predecessor, tlie daughter of the Lord Say mentioned above (note 13). 19. Hume, Southwell, Bolinobroke. Of these char- acters there is no more to say than to quote Hall (p. 202): "At the same season, wer arrested as ayders and coun- sailers to the sayde Duchesse, Thomas Southwel, prieste and chanon of saincte Stephens in Westmynster, Ihuu Hum priest, Roger Bolyngbroke, a conyng nycromancier, and Margerie lourdayne, sumamed the witche of Eye. to whose charge it was laied, yt thei. at the request of the duchesse, had deuised an image of waxe. representyng the k>'nge, whiche by their sorcery, a litle and litle c6- sumed, entendyng therby in cdclusion to waist, and destroy the kynges person, and so to bryng hym deatli, for the which treison. they wer adiudged to dye. & so Margery lordayne was brent in smithfelde, & Roger Bolyngbroke was drawen and quartered at tlbome, tak- yng vpd his death, that there was neuer no suche tliyug by theim ymagined, Ihon Hum had his pardon. eare in any other of his plays. It is common in Chaucer generally in com- position, in such words as alder-first, alder-last; and this very word alder-lu/eit aiaucer uses in Troilus and Cres- sida, UL 240 : " Mine alderUcett lord." The more correct form of this genitive is oiler. It is worth noting that in the beautiful letter of the Duke of Suffolk to his son written on the day of his leaving England (See Puston Letters, voL L p. 121), he calls the king "oure alder (of us all) most high and dredde sovereygne Lord. ** A Ider-lie/est is really = the German aller-liebst. Chapman uses this word, very appropriately, in his grim tragedy. Alphonsus, Emperor of Germany, where he makes Hedevich call Prince Edward " mein allerlievest husband." (Act iv.) Works, ToL UL p. 268. t9. Lines 32-34. -Hall (p. 205) thus describes Margaret: "This woman excelled all other, aswell in beautie and fauor, as in wit and pollicie, and was of stomack and oorage, more Uke to a man, then a woman." 80. Line 33 : yolad.— It is remarkable that Shakespeare does not use the prefix y, except in this passage and in two passages in Love's Labour's Lost, i. 1. 242: "it is ycliped thy park," and v. 2. 602, of same play, '* Judas I am, yeliped Maccabaeus." It is used in the first place by Armado, and in the second by Holofemes. It would seem as if Shakespeare looked upon the use of this prefix as a mark of affectation. It is a curious circumstance, and worth noting as a proof that his work on this play belongs to his early period, that both these words, ydad and alder4ie/e$t, are not to be found in The Contention, but were added in the parts rewritten by Shakespeare. 8L Line 40: Here are the articles of contracted peace.— These articles are not given in full by any of the old chroniclers; but Hall gives the substance of them (p. 204): "that the Duchie of Aniow, and the countie of Mayne, should be released and deliuered. to the kyng her father, demaundyng for her mariage, neither peny nor farthyng;" and further on he says that certain ambassadors were sent to England by the French king, who, " after instru- mentes on bothe parties, sealed and deUuered, (not vn- rewarded) returned into their countrey.** 8S. Lines 50. 51 : Item, that the DUCHY o/Anjou and the COUNTY o/ Maine, Ac. -When the Cardinal reads the paper below (lines 57, 58) he reads : " Item, it is further agreed between them, that the duchies of Anjou and Maine," Ac This is an obvious discrepancy, owing to the carelessness in petty details which is very characteristic of Shakespeare. It is useless to attempt to defend it upon any dramatic grounds as Clarke does. In the Old Play what Gloucester and the Cardinal both read is word for word the same. The simple explanation is that Shake- speare corrected the Old Play from the Chronicles; in the passage, quoted above, Hall calls it the county of Maine, and so. Just before, he spealcs of it under the same name, and again below, never calling it the duchy, for it was not a duchy. Fabyan (p. 618) speaks of "y« duchy of Angeou, and y« erledome of Mayne;" so that, so far from Shakespeare's object being, as Clarke says (voL iL p. 856), "to heighten the effect, according to his own characteristic style, by making Gloster utter the sub- stance of the item while giving its form with verbal inac- curacy," Gloucester is the more accurate of the two. Shakespeare simply forgot to make the correction tlie second time in the item as read by the Cardinal. 88. Line 63: They please us weU.—Lord marquess, kneel THOU doim.— The whole of this speech in The Contention as far as line 70 is in prose. It is a pity it was not left so. llie next line 64 is only made a verse by the insertion of the word the, which coming after thee is very cacophonous. Were it not that marquess is invariably accented by Shakespeare on the first syllable, I should propose to read "my lord martiuess kneel down." Pope would read "kneel you; " Collier, " kneel thee." The objection to the former is that, as Henry is speaking as a king to a subject, he would more probably use the second person singular, as he does in the rest of the sentence. The objection to ColUer's reading is that thee occurs in both the next lines. It is not a matter of much importance; but it is Just as well to make this line complete, as it is evidently an over- sight of Shakespeare's not to have done so: the word we have supplied seems to us, for the reasons given above, preferable to other emendations. 81 Lines 71, 72: We thank you all /or this great /avour done. In entertainment to my princely queen. However unpopular the marriage of Henry with Margaret of AnJou may have been with a great many of the lonls about the king, she had no reason to complain of the cold- ness of her reception. Fabyan, whom HoUnshed copies, gives the following account of her conveyance from South- wick to Blackheath (p. 617): "And from thens she was honourably conueyed by the lordes and estates of this lande, which mette with her in sondry places, with great retynewe of men in sondry lyueryes, with theyr sleuys browderyd. and some betyn with goldsmytlies werkes in moste costly maner; and specyally of the duke of Glou- cester, mette with her with. v.C. men in one lyuerey." HaU makes no mention of this circumstance. 85. Lines 75-103.— As a specimen of the way in which Shakespeare has improved the language of the Old Play we give the speech of Gloucester as it is in The Contention : i Hum. Braue Peeres of England. Pillars of the sute. To you Duke Humphrey must vnfold his griefe. What did my brother Henry toylc himsclfe. And watte his subiects for to conquere France? And did my brother Bedford spend his time To keep in awe that stout rnruly RealmeT 1 At the references to the Contention are very numerous, we only give the page, the edition referred to beinff the Reprint in Hazlitt's Shakespeare Library, pt. iL vol. L 77 Digitized by Google ACT I. 8c«u« 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT L SooiM 1. Aad baue not I and mine mcle Bewford bete. Done ail we could to keep that Uod in peace? And is ail our lalxHire then spent in vaine. For Suffblke he. the new made Duke that rules the roast. Hath giuen away for our Kiof^ Henries Queeoe. The Dutches of Anioy aad Mayne vmo her fatlier. Ah Lords, fatall b thb marrUf^e canselUnK our states. Reuer^i); Monnroenu of conquered France. V'ndowf; ail, as none had nere bene done. — p. 416. 86. UneSA: Aiui did miftfrotherBe<^ford 70111119 wiUf^ Shakespeare naet this verb, in the transitive sense, in two other passages; namely, in Midsummer's Night's Dream. V. L 74: Aad now hav« /M/W thdr nafareath'd memories, ail. I in Hamlet. L L 71, 72: Why tliissaroe strict and most observant watch So niifhtiy Mis the subject of the land. U may be noted that the same somewhat onosoal use of the word does not occur in the corresponding speech in The Contention. S7. Lines 93, 94: And WAS hii highneu in hii ir^faney Crowned in Parii in despite of/oetf Ft. have hath; the emendation is Rowe's. Grant White reads Aad, which seems very little if at all preferable to the reading in Ff . M. Line 102: De/aeing nunnimentt €/ conquered France. — None of the commentators seem to have explained what these "monnmentg of conquer'd France "were. It cer- tainly seems to be a very obscure expression. It cannot refer to any monvmenU erected to celebrate victories on the part of the English. Probably the meaning is that the cities and fortresses, which were given up by the treaty of marriage with Margaret of Anjou, were, so long as they remained occupied by the English, monuments of their conquest. M. Line 105: 7AuPKB0IUTI0If tcrilA«1lcAcIRCUM^-TAlVCB. —The explanation of this sentence given by Johnson, viz., "This speech crowded with so many instances of exag- geration,** seems to be rather far-fetched. Surely the meaning given to eirettmstanee in our foot-note, namely "circumstantial details,' fully meets the requirements of the sense. The Cardinal means to say that Gloucester's speech is a mixture of passion and deliberation; and that the peroration, which is generally a rhetorical flourish, is in this case f uU of detail 40. Line 100: SufoOr, the new-made duke that RULES THE ROAST— The origin of this phrase is more or less oliscure. The fact is that the plirase has become so familiar to us, and the sense of it is so clear, that we do not trouble ourselves much about the origin of it Whether it was originally used of the person who sat at the head of the dinner table, and therefore might be called the ruler or director of the feast; or whether it is a corruption of "rule the roost "m plausibly suggested by Richardson, —the phrase having been originally applied to a cock who "rules the roost" in the sense of being the master of the hens which rooet with him— or whether we are to look elsewhere for the origin, is uncertain. In support of the second explanation Richardson quotes from Jewell's 78 Defence of the Apologie, p. 86: " Geate you nowe vp into your pulpites like bragginge oockes on the rowvt, flappe your whingea, and crow out aloude." Clarke quotes from Fox's Actes, Edward IL: "The old queeae. Sir Roger Mortimer, and the Bishop of £lie, in such sorte ruled tke rost" In all the Ff. the word is spelt rosL There is another word which possibly may guide us to the origiu of this phrase, and that is the word roust (sometimes written roo»t, ro$t, from the Icelandic riist), explained to mean "the turbulent part of a channel or firth occasioned by the meeting of lapid tides" (Imperial Diet sub Boust). Another conjecture is that roast or rost may be a corrup- tion or misapplication of the word rout, in the sense of a rabbU. 4L Lines 111. 112: Cnto the poor king Reignier^ tshoss LABGK STYLE Agrees not with the LEANNESS OF HIS PURSE. This expression was evidently suggested by the following' sentence in Hall (p. 206): ** For kyng Reyner her father, for al his long stile, had to short a purse, to sende his doughter honorably, to the kyng her qKmse." 4SL Lines 119-122.— This passage evidently shows that Shakespeare had confused Richard Neville, Barl of Warwick, with Richard Beauchamp, the King -maker. (See L Henry VI. note &) The latter Earl of Warwick had nothing to do with the conquest d Anjou and Maine; at the time of the marriage of Henry and Marglu^, 1446, he was only in his seventeenth year. It may be observed that in The Contention the language of Warwick is more vague. He never uses the personal pronoun /; the expres- sion being: " Warwick, 4c. " Some editors have proposed to substitute in the text of this play sworde for wouiids (line 121). Certainly the antithesis between swords and words is better tlian that between wounds and words; and the verbal Jingle, which is intentional, Is more complete. 48. Line 188: That Sufotk should demand a whole FirriENTH.— Here the author follows the Chronicles; but in I. Henry VI. v. 6. 98, SuiTolk Is authorized by the kin? to gather up a tenth for his expenses. 41 Line 144: biekering9.—Th\% word originally means skirmishing, in which sense it is not uncommon in the early English writers. 46. Line 160: hoise.—Thi^ form of the verb to hoist occurs in three other passages in Shakespeare, In Tempest, i 2. 148; Hamlet, liL 4. 207; Richard III. Iv. 4. 629. 46. Line 178: Thou or /, Somerset, wUl he protector.— Ft read "Or thou or L" We have followed Capell's emendation In omitting the first or. «7. Line 194: And, BROTHER Forir.- InThe Contention Salisbury calls York cousin. He was really his brother- in-law (see above, notes 4 and 10). 41. Line 208: Then let's away, and look unto THE MAIN.— The following passage from Hamlet, IL 2. 64-67: He telb me, my dear Gertrade. he hath found The head and sovrce of all yoor son's dutemper. Qtt4e$t. I doubt It It no other but tht main: His father's death, and our o'erhasty marriage; is generally quoted as a similar Instance of the expression the main ; but an examination of the text shows us that Digitized by Google ACT I. 8o»ati 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.- PART II. ACT L Scene 2. the tMtin there is ui elliptical expression = the main towrct; while here it seems to be used in the abstract = " the chief point, tlie safety of the realm " (see foot-note). In the next speech Warwick says (line 212): "if am chance, father, you meant." Bat for this explanation given by Warwick one might think that main here meant " the ocean,** a sense in which Shakespeare frequently uses the word. Compare John II. 1. 26: Even tUl thnt England, hedg'd fai whh t^ main ; the meaning being " let us look to the command of the sea." a most important point, to the possession of which the Yorkists, in a great degree, owed their subsequent success. At a later period, after the battle of St. Albans, the king took *'the custody of the sea" ftom the Duke of Exeter, and gave it "to the Eail of Warwick for a term of flre years " (Lingard, roL if. p. 119). 40. Lines 200-218.— This silly jingle is taken ahnost ver- batim from The Contention, with the exception of line 212, which is inserted. It is not a bit worse than some of the passages we have pointed out in Kichard II., e.g. ii. 1.72-83. 60. Line 216: on a TiCKLl jwin^.— Shakespeare vma this word as an adjective only in one other passage, in Measure for Measure, L 2. 176-178: "thy head stands so tidcU on thy shoulders that a milkmaid, if she be in love, may sigh it off." There it seems to mean "unsteady," " insecure. " Spenser uses it in the same sense. In Kyd's Jerouimo or The Spanish Tragedy (act iii.) we have exactly the same expression as in the text: Now stands our fortune oti a tickle feint. — Dodsley, voL t. p. 82. Compare also Chapman's Widows Tears, ii. 1: "I haue set her hart vpon as tickle a pin as the needle of a Diall " (Dramatic Works, vol iii. p. 29). (1. Line £21: 'Tie THIMB they give away, and not their own.— York is addressing himself. Grant White changed thine to mine, but quite unnecessarily. Compare lines 243, 240 below, where the speaker again addresses him- leH We find instances in Shakespeare of a similar li- cense in soliloquy, where the speaker is supposed to ad- dress some other person. Compare Richard IL v. S. 66, and L Henry IV. iL 3. 82. 6t. Lines 234, 235: Aa did the fatal brand Althcea burn'd Unto the prince'* heart qf Calydon. The allusion is to the story of Meleager, or rather to the later and post-Homeric form of that story. He was the son of Oeneus, king of Calydon, and Altbeea. When he was seven days old, the fates declared he would die as »oon as the piece of wood, which was burning on the h>*arth. should be consumed. His mother extinguished tiie firebrand, and concealed it in a chest. Meleager, having slain the wild boar of Calydon. presented the hide t4) Atalanta. The two brothers of Althsea took it from her, whereupon Meleager in a rage killed them. Althsea, frantic with grief at the death of her brothers, took the firebrand from the place where she had so long kept it, and burned it till it was all consumed; whereupon, as the fates had predicted, Meleager died, and his mother. in remorse, killed herself. The story has been beautifully treated by Mr. Swinburne in his well-known tragedy of Atalanta in CalydotL Shakespeare also refers to this story in II. Henry IV. ii. 2. 93-96, where the page is made to blunder as to the real tradition, and to confuse it with that relating to Hecuba. 68. Lines 237. 288: Cold news for me, for I Jiad hope qf France, Even a» I have qf fertile England'* eoU. The meaning is that York hoped to be king of France as well as of England, as Henry V. had been, and his son before the possessions and conquests of the English had been lost 64. Line 247: Whose church-like HUMOUR Jits not for a eromu—Tt. have humours. We have adopted Rowe's alteration. Some editors alter /f« to Jit; but the singular At«»mmr= •'disposition," " temperament," seems more ap- propriate here than the plural hianours, which generally means " eccentricitiesf "mad pranks." 66. Line 269: Whose BOOKISH rule; i.e. the rule of one more acquainted with books than with men. ACT I. Scene 2. 66. Line 22: My troublous drbam this night dotli make me sad.— Ft. have dreams; corrected by Capell. 67. Line 88: ^nd in that chair where kings and queene are erovm'd.—F. 1, F. 2 have leer, F. 8, F. 4 were. Qq. read are, which Hanmer rightly adopted in the text. 68. Line 42: i«-nur(ur'd.— Compare Venus and Adonis. 184: f/l'fttirtur'd, crooked, churlish, harsh in Toice. There it seems to mean "rude" or " churlish;" but here the sense is probably that given in our foot-note, "ill- educated." 69. Line 47: AamTnmfi^^.— For a similar use of this word see Two Gent of Verona, note 28. 60. Line 69: J go.— Come, Nell.—thou'U ride with us, 1 'M SURE?— We have followed Dyce in adding I'm surt' fromQq. 61. Line 66: Being but a wofnan, 1 will not be slack. — Ff. read *'And, being a woman." I have ventured to make the alteration in the text in order to avoid the re- petition otAnd, as the previous line also commences with And. In Q. 1, Q. 2 there is no parallel to this line, but in Q. 3 the line reads. And being dut a woman, 1 11 not behinde. The number of weak ands in this play is very remarkable, and is very unlike Shakespeare's style. 68. Lines 88, 89: But, how now, Sir John Hume! Seal up your Ups, and give no words but miini. See above, note 19. 68. Line 100: They say "A CEAITT KMAVB DOES need no BROKER. "—This proverb occurs in Ray in the form "Two cunning knaves need no broker" (see Bohn's Dictionary 79 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 3. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II ACT I. Scene 3. of Proverbs, p. 548). The proverb Is quoted, in the same form as in the text, in A Merry Knack to Know a Knave: some will say, A ere^ffy inav* Hteds no bro**r. But here is a cmfty knave and a broker too. — Dodsley, yoL tL p. 539. ei Line 107: Sort hovf U voiU, I shaU have gold FOR aU. —Mr. M. Mull suggests that we should read "/rom all," a very plausible suggestion, as Hume undoubtedly means to say that he shall have gold from all the parties con- cerned, Suffolk, the Cardinal, and the Duchess. ACT I. Scene 3. 66. Line 4: in the quUl— There has been much dispute OS to the exact meaning of this phrase. The explanation we have given in the foot-note, viz. in a body, seems, on the whole, the most probable, and the most satisfactory as regards the context. Hanmer printed in quiU, and explained it as meaning " no moxf than our written or penned supplications." Toilet suggesto that It meant *• 'with great exactness and observance of form,' or with the utmost punctilio of ceremony. Tlie phrase seems to be taken from part of the dress of our ancestors, whose ruffs were quilled. While these were worn, it might be the vogue to say, such a thing is in the qtiill, Le. in the reigning mode of taste" (Var. Ed. vol xvllL pp. 184, 186). This explanation is adopted by Nares. Steevens says: "Perhaps our supplications in the quill, or in quill, means no more than our tcritten or penned supplications. We still say, a drawing in chalk for a drawing executed by the use of chalk." And in a lat«r note he compares the expression in print as analogous. Hawkins would derive It from the French en quille, *' which is said of a roan, when he stands upright upon his feet without stir- ring from the place" (ut supra, p. 185). One of the meanings of quille Is explained by Cotgrave: *' The keele of a ship; also, a keyle; a big peg, or pin of wood, used at Ninepins, or Keyles, <&c." Singer says, " It appears to me to be nothing more than an Intention to mark the vulgar pronunciation of 'in the coil,' Le. In the bustle. This word is spelt in the old dictionaries quoil, and was no doubt often pronounced by ignorant persons quite, or qutll" (voL vi. p. 137). Swynfen Jervls reads in the quile, which Halliwell in his Diet of Archaic and Provincial Words explains: "A pile . . . a heap of anything;" and in his lai^ folio edition of Shakespeare says: "In the quiU," that Is, all together. The First Petit tells his companions to keep together, so that when the lord pro- tector comes, their supplications may all be delivered at once." Hunter says (vol. II. p. 66): "'Quill' means here the narrow passage through which the protector was to pass," and quotes Silvester's translation of Du Bartas: And th' endless, thin ayr, which by secret ^Us Hath lobt itself within the windes-but hils. Dyce objects to this that Silvester Is simply translating the French word tuyauz, which Is explained by Cotgrave: "A pipe, quill, cane, reed, canell;" but there Is no doubt the word quiU was used in English as meaning a narrow pipe or passage. We find in Chapman's Widow's Tears (IL 1) the following: " who by vnknown quills or conduits vnder ground, drawes his Pedigree from Lycurgus his 80 great Toe, to the Viceroies little linger" (Dramatic Works, voL 111. p. 88X If we look at the context, I think we shall have no difficulty in deciding that HalUwell's explanation is the right one; and that it was from the last-mentioned meaning of the word that the phrase had its origin. The petitioners were naturally nervous, and each was anxious to be the first in presenting his petition ; by standing close together they would gain courage, and no one of the party would have any special advantage over the others. In Alnsworth's Latin Diet 1761, in the quill is explained to mean "acting in concert" (ex eompacto agunf). It is possible that there might be some reference to the prac- tice of folding up a document inside a qwU or reed for security. The only instance of the use of this phrase which I have been able to find seems to confirm the meaning given by Mr. Halliwell and In our footnote. It occurs in the Devonshire Damsel's Frolic, one of the " Songs and Sonnets" In the collection called "CHioyce Drollery, Ac." (1656X where, speaking of some girls swimming close to- gether, the author says : Thus those females were all in a quill And following on their pastimes stilL This passage goes to decide the question. 66. Line 7: First Petit Here a* comes, &c.— This speech is assigned by F. 1, F. 2 to Peter; F. 2 has one Peter; and F. 4 has First Pet It is evident that this speech must be given by the same speaker as that of lines IS, 14. We have adopted, therefore, the correction of F. 4. ff7. Line 15: For my Lord Protector.— Vt. have to; a manifest error, which is not improved by the stage- direction, Reading. It Is quite clear that the queen could not read even the superscription before she had seen the petitions. She Is evidently echoing the words of the speaker. In The Contention the passage stands as follows :— Queene. Now good-fellowes, whom would you speak withallf a. Pet If It please your Maiestie, with my Lord Protectors grace. Queene. Are your sutcs to his grace. Let r% see them first. Look on them my Lord of Suffolke. —P. 4a6. 68. Line 88: That my MASTER i«m.— Ff. have mistress, a mistake which probably arose from the word being Indicated In the MS. only by the Initial letter M, There does not seem to be any meaning In the speaker making a pointless blunder like this. He understands, or pre- tends to understand, the queen to ask if the Duke of York said that his master was rightful heir to the crown. In The Contention Peter makes a probable and rather amusing blunder, of which Shakespeare does not seem to have approved : Peter Tkum/. Marry sir I come to tel you that my maister said. that the Duke of Yorke was true helre vnto the Crowne, and that the King was an vsurer. Qneene, An vsurper thou woulds say. Peter. I forsooth an vsurper. Queene. Didst thou say the King was an vsurper? Peter. No forsooth. I saide my maister salde so. —Pp. 426, 4*7- It is to be observed throughout this scene that none of the Petitioners seem in any way to recognize Margaret as queen. The First Petitioner Oine 18 above) addresses his answer to the queen's demand not to her, but to the Duke of Suffolk; and in this speech Peter does not give Digitized by Google ACT I. 800U6 8. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT I. Soeiitt 3. her any title at all. We can hardly suppose that this want of respect for Qneen Margaret is to be taken as merely the result of ignorance. It was probably the author's intention to show how unpopular she was with the people. 60. Line 51: Am 1 a queen in TITLE and in 8TTLB?— This expression certainly seems to be tautological ; but " style and title " is a common phrase in official documents. Title would mean here her right to be called queen, in virtue of her marriage with the king; and ttyle tlie right to tile dignity of queen^ in official documents and cere- monies in foreign courts, as well as in that of England. 70. Line 57: proporfion.— Compare Titus Andronicus, r. 2. 106, 107: Well mayst thou know her by thy own pr«p«rtion. For op and down she doth resemble thee. Shakespeare rarely uses this word absolutely in the sense of "form," "shape," but generally with some epithet It seems more or less to imply shapeliness. Compare PaUent Grissil. L L: Which of us thrM you hold the properest man? Cri. 1 hare no skill to judge /r^^rtions. —Shakespeare Society's Reprint, p. xa. 71. Line 71: Besides the H aught protector.— ¥.1 has kaughtie. The reading in the text is that of F. 2, and is necessary for the sake of the metre. Shakespeare uses hatight in III. Henry VI. ii. 1. 109; and in Richard III. U. S. 28. 72. Line 78: orumblino Fori:.— Note the epithet here. It shows that York's discontent at his treatment by the court was no longer concealed. 78. Lines 78-00.— This speech of the queen's could have no historic foundation; for the Duchess of Gloucester's disgrace took place three years before Margaret's arrival in England in 1441. 74. Line 83: She bears a duke's revenues on her back.— See King John, note 72. Compare Marlowe's Edward XL p. 103: He wears a iareTs reveutu on his bacA. This, be it noted, is one of the added lines, not in The Contention. 75. Line 01: Madain, myself have lim'd a bush /or her. —Compare IIL Henry VI. v. 6. 13: The bird that hath been /i'm«i in a bush; and Lucrece, 88 : Birds never lim'd no secret bushes fear. Shakespeare employs, most t)eautlfully, the image of a bird caught with Irfrd-lime in the king's remorseful speech (Hamlet, ill 8. 68. 00): O limtd soul, that, strugf^ling to be free. Art more engag'd. 78. Line 03: to THSIR toy*.— Ff. read the; the correction Is Kowe'a 77. Lines 100, 101: As for the Duke qf York,— this LATR COMPLAINT Will metke but little fw his benefit This evidently refers to the complaint just made by Peter against his master. VOL. II. 78. Line 105: SOMERSET or YORK.— All that Hall says on the appointment of the Duke of Somerset as regent is (p. 206): " For whiche consideracion (i.e. the defence of Normandy) money was graunted, men wer appoynteil and a great army gathered together and the duke of Somerset, was appoynted Regent of Normandy, and the Duke of Yorke thereof discharged." But Holinshed adds (vol. iii. pp. 208, 209): " I haue scene in a register booke belonging sometime to the abbeie of saint Albons that the duke of Yorke was established regent of France, after the deceasse of the duke of Bedford, to continue in that office for the tearme of flue yeares; which being ex- pired, he returned home, and was ioifullie receiued of the king with thanks for his good seruice, as he had full well deserued in time of that his gouernement: and fur- ther, that now when a new regent was to be chosen and sent ouer, to abide vpon safegard of the countries beyond the seas as yet subiect to the English dominion, the said duke of Yorke was eftsoones (as a man most meet to supplie that roome) appointed to go ouer againe, as regent of France with all his former allowancea " But the duke of Somerset stiU maligning the duke of Yorkes aduancement, as he had sought to hinder his dispatch at the first when he was sent ouer to be regent, as before yee haue heard: he likewise now wrought so. that the king reuoked his grant made to the duke of Yorke for enioieng of that office the terme of other flue yeeres, and vrith helpe of William marquesse of Suffolke obteined that grant for himselfe. Which mnlicious deling the duke of Yorke might so eulll beare, that in the end the heate of displeasure burst out into such a flame, as consumed at length not onelie l>oth those two noble personages, but also manie thousands of others, though in diners times and seasons, as in places here- after (as occasion semeth) it shall more euidentlie ap- peare." 79. Lines 121-130.— The attack of the queen and her party on Gloucester is evidently founded on the fol- lowing passage in Hall (pp. 208, 209): "This woman (ie. Queen Margaret) perceiuyng that her husbande did not frankely rule as he would, but did all thyng by thaduise and counsaiU of Hufrey duke of Gloucester, and that he passed not muche on the aucthoritie and gouernaunce of the realme, determined with her self, to take vpon her the rule and regiment, bothe of the kyng and his kyng- dome, and to depriue and euict out of al rule and auc- thoritie, thesaid duke, then called the lord protector of the realme: least men should sale & report, yt she had neither wit nor stomacke, whiche would permit & snffre her husband, beying of perfect age & mas estate, like a yong scholer or innocent pupillc to be gouerned by the disposlcion of another man. This manly woman, this coragious queue, ceased not to prosecute f urthwitb, her inuented imaginacion and prepesed purpose, but practised daily the furtberaunce of thesame. And al- though this inuSciO came flrst of her awne high mind, and ambicious corage, yet it was furthered and set for- ward by suche, as of long tyme had borne malice to the duke, for declar}*ng their vntmth as you before haue heard. Whiche venemous serpentes,and malicious Tygers, pei-swaded, incensed and exhorted the queue, to loke 81 28 Digitized by Google ACT L Scene 3. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT I. Scene 3. well rpon the expenses and reuenues of the realme, and thereof to call an accompt: aflftrniyng plainly that she should euidently perceiue, that the Duke of Gloucester, had not so muche aduaunced & preferred the commd- wealth and publique Ttaitie, as his awue priuate thinges and pecuUer estate." aO. Lines 135-137. —Compare Hall (p. 209): "Diuerae articles, bothe beynous and odious, were laied to his cliarge in open counsaill, and iu especiall one, that he h:id caused men adludged to dye, to be put to otiier execucion, then the law of the land had ordered or as- signed." 8L Lines 142, 143. — Queen Margaret here seems to have anticipated Good Queen Be&i in her mode of deal- ing with her courtiers. The ladies-in-waiting of the virgin queen had often the honour of receiving a box on the ears from their royal mistress. 82. Line 145: ten eommandmejUs. — Compare John Hey- wood's Interlude The Four P.P. [1540 (?)]: Thy wife's ten C0mtHandments may search thy five wits. — DodjJey, voL L p. 381 . In using this kind of expression for her ten fingers, or OS some more precisely explain it "her ten nails," the duchess seems to be Justifying her husluuid's epithet " ill-nurtured." (See above, L 2. 42.) 88. Line 152 : linten after.— 'Th\% expression is only used in one other passage in Shakespeare, in II. Henry IV. L 1. 29. Compare Cliapman's Widow's Tears, ii 1: "Yes, and talkes of you ngaine in the fairest manner, listenB (t/ter your speede." 81 Line 153: her FURY needs no spurs.— Ft. have/tinw. We have followed Dyce, who was the first to suggest the obvious emendation fury; which would be spelt in the M^., from wliich the transcriber copied, /urte, and would therefore be very easily mistaken by the printer for fujne. 86. Line 154: She 'U gallop FAST enough to her destruc- tion.—¥. 1, F. 2 have farre; F. 3, F. 4 far. We have adopted Pope's emendation. 88. Line 172: Without DISCHARGE, money, or furniture. —The meaning of the word discharge here is very doubt- ful If it means payment, then moniey seems merely tautological The word, whether used as a verb or adjec- tive, in Shakespeare seems, generally, to have the mean- ing of discharging either a duty or liability. Some take it to mean "giving up the troops and turning them over to my command." It may mean "official orders to sail ;" or possibly it may be an elliptical expression = "the means to discharge my ofllce," or "the means to embark my troops." If we take it to mean payment, then the dis- tinction between discharge and money is, that discharge means ''the payment of arrears," and money, "the funds necessary to pay the soldiers during the campaign." 87. Lines 208-214.— This speech of Gloucester appears to be the result of an attempt on the part of Shakespeare to condense two of Gloucester's speeches into one, and to give to his part in this scene greater prominence. In 82 the old play, after the speech of the armourer (In this play HomerX the king continues: A'lJf. Vnde Glostcr. what do you thiuke of tliis? Hum, The law my Lord is this by case, it re*ts su<>pitiou&. That a day o< combat be apitointcd. And there to trie each others rijiht or wrong. Which shall be 00 the thirtith of this month With Ebcn stdues, and Standbaf^ combatting la SmythfieLi, before your Koyall Maiestie. [Aa// Hnrnphrty. Arm. And I accept the Combat willingly. Pfter. Alasse n-y Lord, 1 am not able to fijjlit. Suf. You must either fight sirra or else be hangde: Go take them hence agame to prison. — Pp. 431, 432. Then comes the episode of the queen letting drop her glove; and after her exit Gloucester enters. The king addresses him: Vnde Gloster, what answer makes your grace Concerning our Regent for the Realme of France. Whom thinks your grace b meetest for to send. Hum. My gratious I-ord, then this is my resolue. For that these *kord» the Armourer should s|>eake. Doth breed suspition on the part of Yorke, Let Somerset be Regent ouer the French, Till triaUs made, and Yorke may cleare himselfe. Kin. Then be it so my Lord of SouierscL We make your grace Regent ouer the French, And to defend our rights gainst forraine foes. And so do good vnto the Realme of France. Make hast my Lord, tis time that you were gone. The time of Truse I thuike is full expirde. Som. I humbly thanke your royall Maiestie. And take my leaue to poste with speed to France. —Pp. 43* 434. While expanding the speech of Peter, the adapter seeks to throw these two speeches of Gloucester into one ; and there are the two separate appeals of the king to him in one, line 207: Uncle, what shall we say to this in law? Gloucester's answer embraces both the question as to giving the regency to Somerset or York, and also the question as to the dispute between the Armourer (Hor- ner) and his servant; but, in Shakespeare's text, the king has asked Gloucester nothing about the question of the regency at all ; and Somerset is made (^Knt 215) to thank the king for the decision as to the regency given by Gloucester. Theobald, therefore, inserted between lines 214, 215 two lines from the king's speech in The Contention : Then be It so my Lord of Somerset. We make your grace Regent ouer the French. -P- 433- llany editors adopt this insertion of Theobald's ; but, as it is clear that the alterations and cuts were made some- what carelessly, we have inserted a stage-direction which sufficiently explains the sense of the passage, and accounts for Somerset addressing the king and not Gloucester. Homer, it will be noted (line 2I6X as well as Peter the servant, addresses Gloucester, not the king. In The Con- tention Somerset exito after thanking the king; but in this play the scene concludes with the king (line 225) saying to Somerset: "Come, Somerset, well see thee sent away," which shows that he had accepted Glou- cester's decision. Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 4. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT I. Scene 4. 88. Lines 223. 224 : Atoay wiUi them to prison; and the day 0/ combat shall be the last qf the next month. In Q 1. Q. 2 the correBpondlng lines' are: That a day of combat be appointed . . . Which shall be on the thirHth of this month. —P. 43». Halliwell in his note on the last line in The Contention (Shakespeare Society's Reprint) says that this would be the 30th April (p. 432). In The Contention, when Glou- cester reads the terms of the agreement, the first clause ends "and crown her Qneene of England, ere the 30. of the next inontA " (p. 414); in this play (scene 1, lines 48, 49 above) " and crown her Queen of England ere the thirtieth of May next ensuing; " hence Halliwell deduces that "the first three scenes" of this play "are supposed to take place in Marcli." In The Contention they are sup- posed to take place in April. ACT I. Scene 4. 80. Line 6: exoreistns.— On this word Mason has the following interesting note: "The word exorcise, and its derivatives, are used by Shakespeare in an uncommon sense. In all otlier writers it means to lay spirits, but in these plays it invariably means to raise them. So, in Julius Ciusar, Ligarius says : Thou, like an txorcist, hast conjured up My mortified spirit." — Var. Ed. vol. xviii. p. 196. This ingenious note of Mr. Mason has been very generally adopted by the commentators, without any exception being taken to it. Unfortunately for ^Ir. Mason's hasty generalisation, Scot, in his Discovery of Witchcraft, when tovating more especially of the mode of conjuring or rais- ing spirits, invariably uses exorcist as synonymous with the conjurer or raiser of spirits (see book xv. chaps. 2, 4, 6). Still it is undonbtedly true that to exorcise was frequently used in the sense in which we now generally understand it, namely, to make an evil spirit quit the person or place into which it has entered. It may be noted that in the Koman Catholic Church the formula for cc^secrating holy water begins with the words: "Exorciso to crea- turam." 90. Line 10: Deep night, dark night, the silent of the night—In The Contention this line is: Darke Night, dread Night, the si/or- tant mistakes in The Contention, the author of which makes Edmund of Langley the second son, and gives as the fifth son Roger Mortimer, Earl of March; but he has followed Holiushed in making William of Windsor the seventh son instead of the sixth. See Richard II. note 51. 190. Line 26: where, as ALL yott know.— The speaker is addressing only Salisbury and Warwick. Qq. have "yon both." Compare II. Henry IV. iii. 1 . 85, where King Henr)- addressing only Warwick and Surrey says: Why, then, jfood morrow to you «//, my lords. Ul. Line 27: Was harmless Richard murdei'd traitor- ously.—Vt. have: Harmless Richard wau murdcr'd traitorously. The transposition was suggested by Dyce, and we have adopted his suggestion. The line is quite insufferable as it stands in Ff. 182. Line 28: Father, the Duke OF YoRK hath told the truth.— Ft. read: Father, the duke hath told the truth. To complete the line Hanmer reads "the very truth;" Capell **surely told the truth." No one appears to have Digitized by Google ACT II. Soene 3. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT II. Scene 3. suggested the emendation we have printed. It seems the siuiplest, and there is everj reason for not omitting the doJce's title here. 123L Lines 30-42.— As to the mistake about Edmund Mortimer see I. Henry VI. note 13. As Malone points out, it was his son-in-law Lord Grey of Ruthyn, whom, according to Hall, Owen Qlendower kept in captivity till he died. IM. Line 53: What plam proceeding is more plain than this f— This is the reading of F. 2, F.8. F. 4; F. 1 has pro- ceedingt, au evident mistake. 126. Line 55: WHILE York claims it from the third.— Ff. omit vfhiU, which was added by Dyce. Capell inserted but 128. Line 77: My lord, break off; we know your mind at fttU,—V{. have: "My lord, break we off," Ac. We have followed Capell in omitting the first we. 1S7. Lines 7S, 79.— These two lines are substituted for a speech of ten lines in The Contention (p. 450). the only one throughout this scene, which is written in blank verse in the Old Play, with the exception of the first two, and they only occupy six lines. Shakespeare's object in re- docing this speech of Warwick's to two lines, and expand- ing the previous one of York's, seems to have been to give to the latter character greater dramatic prominence. ACT II. Scene 3. U8. —The trial of the Duchess of Gloucester and her accomplices really took place in the year 1441, or more than three yeam before King Henry was married. It appears, from the account of the affair given in Lingard. that Bolicgbroke was first accused of necromancy, and "exhibited with the instruments of his art to the admiring populace on a platform before St Paul's, 'arrayed in marvelloos attire,' bearing in his right hand a sword, and in his left a sceptre, and sitting in a chair, on the four comers of which were fixed four swords, and on the points of the swords four images of copper. The second night afterwards Dame Eleanor secretly withdrew into the sanctuary of Westminster, a step which naturally excited suspicion. She was confronted with Bolingbroke, who declared that it was at her instigation that he had first applied to the study of magic. From the inquiry which followed, it appeared that Eleanor was a firm believer in the mysteries of the art; that, to secure the affection of the duke, she had employed love-potions furnished by Marjory Jourdemaln, the celebrated witch of Eye; and that, to learn what would be her subsequent lot (her hus- band was presumptive heir to the throne), she had charged Bolingbroke to discover the duration of the king's life "(vol iv. p. 75X Jourdemain or Jourdain had been previously convicted of sorcery (see above, note 24), and was, therefore, burnt as "a relapsed witch." She and the duchess were arraigned before the ecclesiastical court; and Southwell and Bolingbroke were indicted for treason. The former died in the Tower before his trial; and Bolingbroke was convicted and executed (see Lingard, fU supra, p. 76). 129. Lines 3, 4: Receive the sentence of the law, /or siNS Such as by God's book are adjudg'd to death. F. 1, F. 2 have sinne; F. 3, F. 4 sin; the correction is Theo- bald's. The reference to God's book is to Exodus xxii. IS: "Tliou Shalt not suffer a witch to live," and to Leviticus XX. 6: "the soul that tumeth after such as have familiar spirits, and after wizards ... I will even set my face against that soul, and will cut him off from among his people." 190. Lines 12, 13. —See above, note 23. 131. Line 20: BeseecJi yottr majesty, give me leave to go. — Ff. have **/ beseech;" we have followed Hanmer in omitting the unnecessary syllable 1. VXL. Line 30: God and King Henry govern England's HELM !— Ff. have realm, which is obviously a mistake, as we have realm ending the next line. Helm is Johnson's very admirable correction. Compare above, i. 3. 103: And you yourself shall steer the happy Ae/m. 138. Line 43: This staff of honour ILAVQBT.—Haught is generally used by Shakespeare as the imperfect or past participle of to reach; and some commentators explain the word here as = attained. But the sense we have given it in the foot-note, viz. "taken away" is much more suited to the context Ritson says that it is equivalent to "raft" or "reft," the preterite of "to reave." Be that as it may, there is little doubt that the word has here the same sense that it has in the passage quoted by him from Peele's Arraignment of Paris: Prologue, line 7: Raught from the golden tree of Proserpine. 134. Line 46: Thus Eleanor's pride dies in HER YOUKGEST day*.— Tills line has given rise to a great deal of discussion. Several emendations have been propo9ester, now thou doest penance too. See how the giddie people looke at thee. Shaking their beads, and pointing at thee beere. Go get thee gone, and hide thee from their sights. And in thy pent vp studie rue thy sltame. And ban thine enemies. Ah mine and thine, p. 457- The alterations are comparatively slight, but the gain in rhythm and dramatic force is very considerable. 148. Line 27.— This speech of the duchess has been very much amplified by Shakespeare. Lines 88-41 have no parallel in the original In the Old Play the speech ends with line 47. Shakespeare has adapted the next speech of the duchess, and tacked it on to this one; while he ha« expanded Gloucester's speech from four lines to twelve. In fact, a study of this scene and of the con-esponding one in The Contention, line by line, will give a very gootl idea of the way in which Shakespeare dealt with the language of the plays that he adapted. 149. Line 46: hie FdRLORN ducheee.—^eie I. Henry VI. note 67. 180. Line 46: pointing-stock.— Hhie word seems to have been coined by Shakespeare as a substitute for laughing- itock in the original There is no hyphen in Ff. or in Qq. 151. Lines 09-71.— Printed as verse in Ft; but surely by mistake. 168. Line 79: Muet you. Sir John, protect my lady HERE?— Some editors, following Heath, alter here to Digitized by Google ACT m. Soeue 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IIL Scene L hertoe. Walker proposes thert. But surely there is no need for alteration, nor is it necessary to suppose that the meaning is "from this point" Here is simply used, tu it often is, as an expletive. 15& Lines 81, 82: Entreat her not the toane in that I pray You xtte her well, la The Contention this passage runs: I pray jrou Sir lohn, vse her neore the worse. In that I faatreat you vse her well Neither of which lines has any pretension to rhythm. IM. line 102: /( if my ofiee; madam, pardon me.— Ff. have: It is my office; and, madam, pardon me. We have omitted the unnecessary and. As has been be- fore remarlced, this play is remarkable for the number of weak a^ide. ACT III. Scene 1. 166.— None of the chroniclers throw any light upon the circtunstances which ensued between the petition of the Commons asking the king to approve the conduct of Suf- folk, and the sudden an est^f the Duke of Gloucester. All that we know is that the latter had "publicly testified his approbation of the king's marriage "(Lingard.voL iv. p. 80). llie chroniclers do not mention anything unusual with regard to the parliament summoned at Bury. Lingard's account is as follows: "It maybe that Gloucester, har- Assed by the accusations of his enemies, had formed a plan to make himself master of the royal person; or that Suf- folk, to screen himself from the resentment of the duke, infused into the mind of Henry suspicions of the loyalty of his uncle. However it were, Henry summoned a par- liament to meet, not as usual at Westminster, but at Bury St Edmund's. The precautions which were taken exdted surprise, and gave birth to numerous conjectures. The knights of the shire received orders to come in arms; the men of Suffolk were arrayed; numerous guards were placed round the king's residence; and patrols during the night watched all the roads leading to the town. The Duke of Gloucester left his castle of Devises, and was present at the opening of parliament; the next day he was arrested in his lodgings on a charge of high treason, by the lord Beaumont, constable of England" (voL iv. pp. liO, 81X 166L Line 8: Haw proud, per^nptory, and unlOce hkn- »e{ff^¥t read: How proud. Mow peremptory, and unlike himself. We have followed Steevens in omitting the second how. 167. Line 22: And ehould you /all, he IB the next will mount.— Dyce says in note 74 on this play: '"he is the next will mount' was, by an oversight, printed in my foimer edition 'he ae the next,' &c., an error which the Cambridge Editors have copied." The Globe has the same mistake. Ff. undoubtedly read is, not at. 166. Line 61: the BEDLAM brainsick dueheu.—See King John, note 86. 160. Lhies 68-68. —With regard to the first chaige made by the cardinal against Gloucester, see above, note 80. The second charge of misappropriating money is not mentioned by Hall or Holinshed; but Lingard says in a foot-note (voL iv. p. 80): "We are told that he was ac- cused in the council of illegal executions, and of having unjustly enriched himself at the expense of the crown;" but he does not give his authority for this statement 160. Lines 00-78.— As we are undoubtedly intended, in this play, to sympathize with the character of King Henry, Shakespeare was quite right, from a dramatic point of view, to emphasize the king's belief in the innocence of Gloucester; but we learn from Whethamstede, abbot of St Albans, who was a strong partisan of Gloucester, that nothing could persuade the king that his uncle was innocent (See Lingard, vol. iv. foot-note 8, p. 80.) 16L Lines 87, 88.— York here repeats himself almost word for word. Compare L 1. 287, 288. 168. Line 98: Well, SuffoUc'e DURS, thou ehalt not me me bluth.—F. 1 has: Well. Suffolk, thou shalt not see me blush. F. 2, F. 8, F. 4 : " Well, Suffolk, yet thou," Ac S^folk't duke is from the Qq. We agree with Malone in preferring this emendation to any of the others. There probably was intended to be something contemptuous in the tone in which Gloucester alludes to Suffolk's new-fledged honour of duke. 168. Line 129: Or foul FELONIOUS thi^ thatfieee'd poor PA88BNGKR8.— We have here, apparently, a line that is very unusual in any of Shakespeare's earlier plays, i,e. a trisyllable ending a line. In the Contention we have fel- mwue, the older form ot felonious: A mortherer or toaleye/oMaus thccfe. That robs and murthcrs silly patstngers. This line, however, can be made an Alexandrine by ac- centing passengers on the last syllable. 161 Line 188 : My lord, these faults are BAST, qtUekly answered.— We have preferred taking this word as an adjective, and not as an adverb. The adverb easily occurs in the next line but one below. It may be that the sense here is elliptical; the meaning of the sentence being " these faults are easy to commit" But that it is used in the adjective sense seems to be indicated by the fact that it is followed by a comma in F. 1. If we take it as an adverb it seems almost pleonastic. 166. Line 140 : That you will clear yourself from all SUSPBCT.— Ff. read suspense; the correction is Capell's. Malone prefers suspects; but surely the plural is un- necessary. Suspect is used frequently for suspicion in Shakespeare. It is used in tliat sense twice in this play, in i. 8. 189 and iii. 2. 139. 166. Line 161: But mine is made the prologue to their j>toy.— Lettsom would read with Qq., But / am made, dec, on the ground that in the next line more ''must refer to persons not to deaths; " but the punctuation of F. 1, which has a colon at the end of the line, seems to indicate that mine (= " my death ") is the right reading. Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 1. NOTES TO KING HENKY VI.— PART XL ACT III. Scene 2. 167. line 166: Myself had NOTE of your CONVENTICLBS. — Ff. read notice. I had marked in the margin noU as an emendation, before I saw in the Cambridge edn. that it waa an anonymous conjecture. There can be little doubt that note is the right reading. As the line stands in Kf. it is insufferable; unless we read eonventiclei with the accent on the penultimate. For note used a8=:" infor- mation " compare Henry V. a 2. 6; Henry VIII. 1. 2. 48; Titus Andronicus. ii. 3. 85. 168. Line 179: clerkly.— Thi* adverb occurs only twice in Shakespeare; in this passage, and in the Two Gent, ii. 1. 215, where it seems to refer more to penmanship than to scholarship. Here it seems to mean "in scholarlike language," as opposed to coarse, abusive language. It is curious how the word clerk, which nowadays is chiefly identified with the notion of a person in an inferior position, was in Shakespeare's time a type of all that was scholarly and educated ; a sense of the word which was of course, a relic of the times when education was almost limited to the clergy. 160. Line 203: The map qf honour.— Compare Richard II. note 281, where map, however, seems used in a different sense. 170. Line 211: And binds the wretch, and beats it when U STRAYS.— Theobald would read strives, adopting the conjecture of Thirlby. He asks how can it stray when it is hound f (Var. Ed. voL xviii. p. 241). Johnson thought that there was a confusion of ideas here and that " the poet had at once before him a butcher carrying a calf bound, and a butcher driving a calf to the slaughter, and beating him when he did not keep the path " (Ut supra, p. 242). Bearing seems to imply that the animal was carried; but below, line 213, we have: Eren so remorseless have they borne him hence; i.e. Gloucester; and certainly Gloucester was not carried. 171. Line 222: Say, " Who 's a traitor, Gloster he is none. " — Ff . place a note of exclamation after traitor. The punc- tuation adopted in the text is preferable to that of Ff.; the sense being that given in the foot-note. 171 Line 223: FAIR lords.— ¥t. read Free lords; the Cambridge editors suggest Mt lords. The reading adopted in the text is that of Collier's MS. Corrector, which Dyce follows, giving several instances of the phrase "Fair lords," e.g. III. Henry VI. ii. 1. 05; iv. 8. 28. 178. Line 220: doth STIXG a child.— ThiB shows that Shakespeare, like many persons nowadays who ought to know better, believed that the common snake, Natrix torquata, was venomous. Compai'e Richard II. note 203. 174. Line 248 : Were 't not aU one, an empty eagle set— Ff . read : Were "t not all one an empty eagle -were set We have omitted u>ere, which is not necessary to the sense, and spoils the metre. 175. Lines 257-260.— The meaning here is, at first sight, rather obscure; but what Suffolk evidently intends to say is, that as the fox is condemned to death when caught, as being a destructive animal to flocks, though he may not be caught red-handed, so Duke Humphrey ought to be put to death, as being an enemy to the king. 90 178. Line 266: Which MATES him first thatfint intends deceit. — Commentators differ as to whether this word here = checkmates, or whether It has the same sense as in the Comedy of Errors, note 82, and means " bewildered.'* The truth seems to be that the word, though perhaps it is an anglicized form of the French mater, is originally derived, in common with that word, from the old French mat (Italian matto); and that both these latter words were derived from mdt, originally of Arabic origin, as used in the Persian phrase, Shdh mdt, the king is dead, which became corrupted into checkmate as used at chess; and was afterwards used as a verb to checkmate, abbre- viated simply to mate, i.e. to betray, to confound. The Latin word mattus, from which some would derive the word mate, is not used in any author before Petronius Arbiter (died A.D. 67); and it seems to be used by him as= drunk, tipsy. 177. Line 280 : And I : and now we three hate SPOKEK it.— Ft. have spoke; the correction is Hanmer's. 178. Line 301: Men's flesh preserv'd so whole DO seldom tcan.— Hanmer alters do to doth, but unnecessarily, the construction being not unusual in our early writers. Men's flesh = tl\e flesh of men, and men becomes the implied subject Compare Love's Labour's Lost, note 139, where a similar construction is noticed (v. 1. 344, 345): And when Love speaks, the voice of all the gods Makt heaven dro\fvsy with the harmony. 179. Line 848: Whiles I in Ireland MURSB a mighty band.—¥t. read nourish; Collier's MS. substituted march, which seems to me a silly emendation. Walker would read nourish as a monosyllable; but surely it is preferable to substitute, as we have ventured to do, the word nurse, of which nourish is but another form. See I. Henry VI. note 84, i. 1. 50: Our isle be made a nourish of salt tears. 180. Line 352: Until the golden circuit on my head.— (Compare Macbeth, L 5. 29, where the^oWen round is used with the same meaning as in our text. 181. Lines 365, 366: caper upright like a wild Morisco, Shaking the bloody darts as he his bells. Perhaps the wild Morisco here glanced at may have been Will Kemp, who calls himself in his Nine Dales Wonder "head-Master of Morrice-dauncers, high Head-l>orougli of heighs, and onely tricker of your Trill-lilles, and best bel-shangles betweene Slon and mount Surrey" (see Ashbee's Reprint A. 3). The cut on the title-page of that tract shows how tlie bells were worn by morris-dancers. 18S. Line 878: Will make him say J mov'd him to those ARMS.— We might suspect here that arms was a misprint for aims; but compare below, iv. 9 29 ; v. 1, 18, 29. All these passages conclusively prove that arms Is aied here for "armed bands. " ACrr III. SCENK 2. 188. Lines 11-13: Is all things well. According as I gave directions f First Mur. T is, my good lord. Digitized by Google ACT IIL Scene 3. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT III. Scene 2. We haT« followed here the reading; of F. 1; F. 2. F. 3 have are; F. 4 and are. As the Cambridge editors observe (note vlii), the answer of the first murderer seems to imply that the reading of F. 1 is right.' AU things here=every- thing; and the use of a singular verb is quite as justifiable in this passage, as in many others where it occurs after a plural noun. Rowe would substitute Yeg for Ta. IM. Line 26: 1 thank thee, LOVR.-Ff. have "I thank thee. yeU," for which CapeU subsUtuted Meg. It is evident that the author was thinking of Eleanor, Duchess of Gloucester, and wrote yell by mistake; as below, in lines 79, 100, 120, he has written Eleanor instead of Margaret, a mistake not at all unlikely to occur to a play- wright much more careful as to minor points than Shake- speare was. The Cambridge editors religiously retain Xell and Eleanor in the three passages referred to above; but surely this is carrying respect for the original edition a little too far. One might as well retain a letter which was printed topsy-turvy. Shakespeare cannot have deliberately intended Mai^garet to forget her own name, or the king to forget his wife's name. Capell's emenda- tion seems open to the objection that Heniy never calls Margaret by the familiar term Meg; and one's sense of fitness rebels against that energetic, domineering lady being called Meg under any circumstances; we have ac- cordingly substituted lotoe, the form of address used by the king to Margaret below, iv. 4. 23. 189. Lines 62, 53: eome, basilisk, And KILL the innocent gazer with thy SIOHT. The following account of this fabulous monster is from Holland's Pliny (vol. ii. book 20, pp. 356. 357): "To come now unto the Basiliske, whom all other serpents doe flie from and are afraid of: albeit he killeth them with his very breath and smell that passeth from him; yea, and (by report) if he do but set his eye on a man, it Is enough to take away his life." Shakespeare alludes to this superstition In Romeo and Juliet, iii. 2. 47, and again in Henry V. v. 2. 17. 186. Line 68: BLOOD-DRINKIKO eigh*. — Compare IIL Henry VI. iv. 4. 22: " blood-tucking sighs; " also Just above, ilL 2. 61: "blood-oontuming sighs." Compare also Romeo and Juliet, iii. 6. 59: '• Dry sorrow driiiks our blood." It was an old idea that sorrow dried up the blood, and caused death. 187. Line 73: Be woe for me; ie. "be grieved for me." Compare the common expression Woe is ine, i,e. Woe is mine, in the previous line. In Cymbeline, v. 5. 2, we have the expression Woe is my heart =" grieved is my heart." 188. Line 76: What! art thou, like the adder, waxen det^ff — Compnre Psalm Iviii. 4, 5, "they are like the dei^f adder that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely.' The explanation of the process by which the adder stops her ears is given by Gower in his De Confessione Amantis, bk. I. fol. X. (quoted by Steevens): A none as he perceiveth that, He leyeth downe his one care all plat Unto the i^ounde. and hatt it fast : And eke that other eare als faste He ftoppeth with his taille so sore That he the wordes, lasse nor more. Of his enrhantement nc hercth. He is speaking of tlie device employed by the serpent, which bears a carbuncle in its head, to frustrate the would-be despoiler of tlie jewel This is evidently the same tradition as that alluded to by the psalmist 188. line 80: Erect his statca and worship it.— ThU form is generally adopted by editors In those passages in which statue is a trisyllable; but it does not appear that this spelling of the word occurs in Ff. or in any of the Qq. of Shakespeare. The only other author who seems to use statua is Lord Bacon, who has it more than once in his 45th essay, as also in other places, e.g.: "It is not possible to have the true pictures or statuaes of Cyrus," &c. (Advancement of Learning). Nares suggests that as statue was very often used for a picture, the form statua came to be used to distinguish it as a statue properly so called from a picture. 190. Line 83: And twice by AWKWARD wind /rom England's bank.— ¥ope reads adverse winds; but awkward seems to have been used in connection with winds in the sense of adverse, (^mpare Marlowe's Edward II. : With awlvitnf winds and with sore tempests driven. —Works, p. an. 191. Line 88: What did I tften, but CURS'D the qemtle guste.^Banmer altered eurs'd to curse, which de8tro}'s the characteristic idiom. Gentle was changed by Singer to ungentle, an instance of singular poetic blindness. It is evident that Margaret uses the epithet gentle here, as she uses well forevsirning in line 85 above. Her meaning is tliat the wind and gusts, which appeared to be cruel in keeping her from England, were really kind in their endeavour to prevent her coming to the arms of a husband, who was to prove so unkind as Henry now appears to her. Compare below, line 04: The /rrt/y-vaHUiup Sea refus'd to drown roe. The whole passage, which is not in the Contention, is quite in Shakespeare's style. It is a pretty piece of feminine exaggeration. 198. Line 101: As far as I could ken THE chalky cliffs. — F. 1 has thy. We have followed F. 2 in its sensible cor- rection of an obvious error. It is curious that the editors, who obstinately adhere to the reading of F. 1, cannot see that " thy chalky cliffs " would quite destroy the force of " thy shore " in the following line. 198. Line 110: To sit and WITCU me, as Aseanitu did.— Ff. have " watch me." We have adopted Theobald's ad- mirable emendation, which is completely Justified by line 119 below: "Am I not wttch'd like her?" In fact watch has no meaning here. As Theobald has pointed out, Shakespeare has got into a sad mess here with regard to his Virgil. It was Cupid, in the shape of Ascanius, that sat in Dido's lap, and bewitched her, inspiring in her a passion for JCneas; and it was .Cneas who narrated to Dido all the incidents of burning Troy. 191 Line 141: his palt ft/w.— Compare Romeo and Juliet, iv. 1. 100, and Henry V. chorus, iv. 8, the only 91 Digitized by Google ACT UI. Scene 2. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PABT II. ACrr HI. Scene 2. other passages in which Shakespeare uses this form of pale. 195. Lines 142, 143: and to RAIN Upon hit face an ocean c^f salt teatt. Ff. have drain; the emendation is Capeil's. 196. Line 152: AMD teeing him, I tee my life in death. — Ff. read For. Some editors, following Johnson, would alter l\fe in death to death in life, as if the meaning were that he lived to see his own death, that is to say, the death of all his hopes and happiness with that of Glou- cester, who was his most faithful and loyal adviser. But the text, as it stands, makes sufficiently good sense; and, as Malone points out, the expression is quite in Shake- speare's manner. He compares Macbeth, ii. 2. 88 : " the death of each day's l\fe," The meaning is clear: "I see my life in death," that is, "in a state of death;" Henry being sensible that with Gloucester died all his hopes of defeating the attempts against his crown and life. 197. Lines 160-178.— This speech is one of the most powerful in this play. It is interesting to compare it with the corresponding speech in The Contention (pp. 472, 473): Oft have I seene a timtiy farttd ghost. Of ashie semblance, pale and bloodlesse, But loe the blood is setled in his face. More better coloured then when he Uu'd, His well proportioned beard made rough and steme. His fingers spred abroad as one that graspt for life. Yet was by strength surprisde, the least of these are probable. It cannot chuse but he was murthered. Anyone who reads carefully these two speeches must admit that, whosesoever was the hand that transformed The Contention into the present play, it must have been the hand of one who was a far greater poet than anyone concerned in the authorship of the older drama. When we come to examine the relationship between the flrst Quarto of Hamlet, 1608, and the later one, 1604, we shall find that the speech of Warwick's in the older play bears much the same resemblance to the more developed speech in II. Henry YI. as some of Hamlet's soliloquies, in the Quarto 1603, bear to the more amplified version of 1004. In both cases we have, in the older form, the main ideas in a rough and unrhythmical shape ; in both cases the same question arises. Was the earlier form of the play correctly transcribed from the author's MS., or was it a copy based on the various "parts" of the actors, or imperfectly taken down in shorthand by some one in the audience? 196. Line 161: timely-parted ghott— Compare Comedy of Errors, i. 1. 189: And happy were I in my timeiy death, where timely is used as an adjective =: early; and, as an adverb, in many other passages, e.g. in Macbeth, iL 3. 61: He did command me to call timtly on liim. But taking the epithet timely-parted in connection with "timelett death," in line 187 below, we must agree with those who give the word the meaning assigned to it in our foot-note. Halliwell, in his note on the corresponding passage in the Contention (p. 472). quotes from the Two Angry Women of Abington. 1599: 92 Oft have I heard a iimtly marritd girl That newly left to call her mother luam ; and says these two lines " appear almost a parody" of the speech in the text; but timely certainly seems to have there the sense of early. Qhott is here used = corpse, the body from which the spirit has departed, not the spirit after it has departed from the body. For a similar use of the word we may compare Hamlet, i. 4. 85: "I '11 make a ghott.ot hhn that lets me; " though in that case there may be a double idea of the spirit which has left the dead body, and the dead body which is left by the spirit. Ohott is undoubtedly used in The Contention as = corpse, where young Clifford, finding his father's dead body, says (p. 518): Sweete father, to thy murthred ghoast I sweare. 199. Line 176: Like to the tummer't com by tempett ioc^'d.— Halliwell gives this word as used "of grass or com beaten down by wind and rain," in the West of England dialect Bolfe says that the word is still iu common use in New England. 900. Line 187: ftniei«M.— Compare Richard II. note 33^. 801. Line 205: Sor cease to be an arrogant coNTROLUCtL —Surely the sense that Schmidt gives to this word, "censurer, detractor," is a strained one. He compares Titus Andronicus, ii. & 00: Saucy controller of our private steps. But, even in that passage, it seems unnecessary to look for the real meaning further than the natural develop- ment of the original sense of the word, which was " one whose duty it was to keep a check on accounts," from the French eontrdle. Such an office implies the exercise of command, the power of restraint, and, by implication, of censure. 908. Line 907: Madam, be ttm,—vnth reverence may I toy IT.— Ft. have tay, omitting it: we follow Capell iu adopting the reading of the Qq. in the corresponding line. 906. Line 244: Unless FALSE Stifolk straight be done to death.— Ff. read Lord; we follow Malone in adopting /o/m from Qq. Lord seems to have been caught by the tran- scriber from the line above. 901 Liue 265: That they wiU guard you, WHXTHKR you Witt or no.— Ft. have where, the old form of whether. 905. Line 278: An answer from the king, or we'll break in I— Ft. have " we will aU." The all seems quite redun- dant, and was probably caught from the line below. We have adopted the emendation which Dyce suggested, but did not adopt 908. Line 308: Host thou not spirit to curse thine KMElflBS?— Ff. have enemy; we have followed Capell in preferring the reading of Qq. 907. Line 310: Would curses kill, asdoth the masdrake'S QROAN.— Compare Romeo and Juliet, iv. 3. 47: And shrieks like mandrakts' torn out of the earth. The curious superstitions, that gathered round this plant appear to rest on no other foundation than that the forked root bears some rude resemblance to the body of a man or woman. Mandrake roots were often sold to supersti- Digitized by Google ACT IlL Scene S. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT III. Scene 8. tioni people, beiog sometimes replaced by "those of the white bryony (bryonia dioiea) cut to the shape of men aad women, and dried in a hot sand bath " (Prior's Popu- lar Names of British Plants, p. 143). In Italy these rooU of mandmket were supposed to remove barrenness, a belief which dated from the very eariiest times. See Gen- esis XXX. 14-16. The passage in the text alludes particu- larly to the silly belief that, if any man pulled up a man- drake by the root, the plant shrieked, and the man sub- sequently died. "Dr. Daubeney has published in his Koman Husbandry a most curious drawing from the Vienna MS. of Dloscorides in the fifth century, 'repre- senting the Goddess of Discovery presenting to Dloscorides the root of this Mandrake* (of thoroughly human shape) 'which she had Just pulled up, while the unfortunate dog which had been employed for that purpose Is depicted in the agonies of death'" (EUacombe, p. 118). There are two sorts of mandrake: Mandragora vemalU, which has a very inslgniflcant flower and bears an apple-like fruit; and Mandragora autumnalis or mieroearpa, which has flowers of a pale-blue colour resembling the AnemWalter is written Fitzwater invari- ably, and undoubtedly was so pronounced. 888. Lines 34. 36: A cunning man did calculate my birth And told ms that by water I should die. For this prophecy compare I. 4. 86. 36, where the f pirit, in answer to Margery Jourdain, referring to the Duke of Suffolk, says: By water shall he die and take his end. But it does not appear from what source the author of The Contention obtained this tradition. The Faston Digitized by Google ACT IV. Soeno 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 1. Letter, quoted below (note 247), ftlludes to quite a differ- ent prophecy. m Line 4S: Jove wometime went ditguWdy aivd tohy not i/— This line is omitted in ¥i.\ but is absolutely necessary to the sense. Following most of the editors, we have restored it from Qq. i25. Line 50: Ob$eure and LOWLT tteain. King Henry't blood.— la Ff. this line, by mistake, is made part of the preceding speech, and lowly is misprinted lousy. Pope was the first to make the correction, and he took lowly from Qq., where the speech mns thus: Base Jadie groome, Kin^; Henries blood The honourable blood of Lancaster Cannot be shed by such a iow/y swaine. 06. Line 52: JADED groom. —Shakespeare uses this word in two other passages, in Henry VIII. HI. 2. 280: "jaded by a piece of scarlet," and in Antony and Cleopatra, iiL L SS. 34: The ne'er yet beaten horse of Parthia We h^re/adfJ out o' the field. Qq. have jady, a reading which some editors prefer. Jaded never seems' to be used by Shakespeare in the modem sense of "tired." The sense we have given in the foot-note is that generally given to the word in this panage, though it may mean " treated like sijade." tsn. Line 64: Bare-headed plodded by my FOOT-CLOTH Mttie.— Compare Richard III. Hi. 4. 86: Three times to-day my fi>ot 129. Lines 70, 71: Cap. YlS, Poole. Sof. POOLII Cap. Ay, kennel, puddle, sink; whou filth and dirt. The two speeches of the Captain and Suffolk we have, in common with nearly all modem editors, supplied from Qq. In F. 1 the passage stands thus: Lieu. Conuey him hence, and on our long boats side, Strike olT his head. Sm/. Thou dar'st not for thy owne. Lieu. Poole. Sir Poole? Lord, I kennell. puddle, sinke. whose filth and dirth, &c The arrangement In the text is that suggested by Mr. P. Z Round, who says: "The two lines may have been written as one long line, the speakers being denoted merely by the initials S. and L , which the printers mis- takenly expanded into the words Sir and Lord, for which the letters sometimes stand. The word Yes in The Con- tention perhaps slipped out of the Folio text acciden- tally." But, as line 60 is still deficient, I would suggest that the passage might be arranged thus, making one complete line: Crt/. Yes, Poole I S$i/^. Poole T Poole I Sir— Ca/. Aye, Lord Poole I Of course when the Captain uses the first insulting ex- pression Suffolk is Indignant at his familiarity, and re- peats Poole with angry astonishment. The Captain con- tinues his next speech in a more Insulting tone still, with an emphasis on the Poole to bring out the double signifi- cance it bears. It seems to me that, for stage purposes, this arrangement would be by far the most effective. 880. Line 71: Arf nne^— Shakespeare only uses this word in the sense of "gutter" in one other passage, in Taming of the Shrew, iv. 3. 98: Co, hop me oyer erery kennel home. 881. Line 74: For swallowing the treasure of the realm. —The sense that we have given For in our foot-note is the one generally accepted. Compare Two Gent, of Verona, i. 2. 186: Yet here they shall not lie, /or catching cold. Also Pericles, i 1. 30, 40: adrise thee to desist For {foing on death's net. 888. Lines 76, etseq.: And thou that smiTdst at good Duke Humphrey's death, <&c.— Malone quotes from The Mirrour of Magistrates. 1575: And led me back ngain to Dorer road. Where unto me recounting all my faults.— jIs tnurthering qfditke Humphrey in his bed. And how I had brought all the realm to noi^ght. Causing the king unlawfully to wed. There was no grace but I must lose my head." — Var. Ed. yol. xviil. p. 087. It seems pretty clear that the passage quoted suggested to Shakespeare this speech of the Captain, which is much longer and more elaborate than the corresponding one in The Contention. 888. Lines 77. 78: Against the senseless winds shall grin in vain. Who in contempt shall HISS at thee again. Compare Rom. and Jul. i. 1. 118, 110: and cut the ivinds. Who. nothing hurt withal, hist'd him in scorn. 881 Lines 84. 85: And, like ambitious Sylla, overgorg'd With gobbets of thy mother's bleeding heart 95 Digitized by Google ACT lY. Scene 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART 11. ACT IV. 8oeD« 1. The reference is, of coarse, to the rival of Marios, Sulla, the great prototype of those bloodthirsty tyrants, the memory of whose wholesale murders during the French revolution still make one shudder. Sulla was the first to introduce the proscription. In B.C. 82, after his decisive victory before the Colline Gate of Rome, and the sur- render of Pneueste on the death of the son of his rival, the younger Marius, Sulla drew up a list of all those per- sons against whom he had any grudge or enmity; they were declared outlaws, and miglit be Icilled by any one, even by slaves, with impunity. Many thousands of per- sons perished under this infamous edict. It is to this that the somewhat bombastic phrase in the text refers. StUla was one of the few great criminals of history who escaped a violent death. He died, four years after this orgy of murder, in his villa at Puteoli. We have followed the spelling of Ff. though there is no Justification for writing Sylla instead of SxMa, It is remarkable that gobbets occurs nowhere else in Shakespeare, except in this passage, and again below, ▼. 2. ft& 986. Line 86: mother's bleeding heart.— Yi. read mother- bleeding; the correction is Rowe'a 236. Lines 08, 90: Advance our half-FAO'D sun, striving to shitUt Under the which is writ Invitis nubibus. Malone quotes Camden's Remaines: " Edward III. bare for his device the rays of the sun dispersing themselves out of a cloud" (Var. Ed. vol. xviii p. 288). 287. Liue 107: pinnace. — This word, which seems to have meant a small vessel propelled by oars and sails, does not seem to be used very properly here; for the ship, of which the captain who took Suffolk prisoner was in command, was a ship of war. Steevens quotes a passage from Winwood's Memorials, vol. iii. p. 118, in which a pinnace of 260 tons burden is mentioned; but it generally seems to have been used of a much smaller vessel. Pinnace is derived from the Latin pinus. Compare French pinaee, Italian pinaecio. The word was formerly written spyner, or spynner. See quotation from Paston Letters (vol. i. p. 124). given helovr in note 247. 238. Line 108: Than Bargulus the strong lUyrian pirate. —In The Contention the corresponding passage is (pp. 486. 486): Threatens more pUf^es than mightie Abradas, The great Masndonian Pyrate. It is curious that Greene in Penelope's Web, 1601, men- tions Abradas "the great Macedonian pirat"(Var. Ed. vol. xviii. p. 289). This is worth noticing, as it may perhaps conflrm the theory of those who maintain that Greene had a hand in The Contention. Barg%iluM is mentioned by Cicero in his De Offlclia Dr. Fanner quotes two trans- lations in which Shakespeare might possibly have got the name. It seems that the proper form of the name is Bardylis or BardyUis (Greek Bm^Uktt). Bardylis was originally a collier, then he became a leader of a band of freebooters, and afterwards king of Illyria. In Uiis last capacity he seems to have carried on constant war against Macedonia, and then to have been defeated and Idlled in 96 battle by Philip, the father of Alexander the Great. (See Dyce, note, vol. v. p. 219.) 280. Line 117: OeUdtis timor oeeupat artu$.—W. 1 baa: ' ' Pink gelidus timor oceupat artus." Theobald proposed to read: "P span the space between them and touch both the marbles, in either case he wins, if not, his marble remains where it lay and becomes a mark for the first player, and so alternately until the game be won " (p. 884). Span-coun- ter was played with counters or coin instead of marbles. Strutt says it was sometimes played with stones. A very similar game is played by boys in the street nowadays. 857. Lines 169-172: Dick. And furthermore, we 'U have the Lord Say's head for selling the dukedom of Maine. Cade. And good reason; for thereby is England main'd. It is worth noting that although many of the proposed ' ' reforms " of Jack Cade differ very little, at least in spirit, from those which figure In the programme of modem socialists, yet the main cause of the popular discontent seems to have been the mismanagement of foreign affairs, the very point on which now the bulk of the people seem to be so indifferent. Among the Paston Letters is one (So. 99, vol. i. pp. 131-186) written in 1466 by J. Payn, and plead- ing for some compensation in consideration of the losses and sufferings endured by him during Jack Cade's rebel- lion in 1460. The writer was a servant of our old friend, Sir John Fastolf (see I. Henry VI. note 14X who appears to have been the object of intense hatred on the part of the rebels. They called him " the grettyst traytor that was in Yngelond or in Fraunce, . . . the whech myn- nysshed all the garrisons of Notmanndy, and Manns, and Mayn, the whech was the cause of the lesyng of all the 98 kyngs tytyll and rj'ght of an berytaunce that he had by yonde see. And morovyr he seid that the seid Sir John Fastolf had fumysshyd his plase with the olde sawdyors of Normaundy and abyllyments of werr, to destroy the comens of Kent vhan that they come to Southewerk; and therfor he seyd playnly that I sbulde lese my hede." It seems that the rebels went so far as to bring out the block and the axe, but that Payn got off through the interfer- ence of some friends, and brought the "articles," i.e. the particulars of the rebels' demands, to his master Sir John Fastolf. whom he counselled to dismiss his old soldiers, and put away the "abyllyments of werr," at his house: which he did, and went for safety to the Tower. Payn remained to defend his master's house, but seems to have been again taken prisoner by the rebels, who put him in "the batayle" at l4>ndon Bridge, where he was "hurt nere hand to deth" (p. 124X Indeed he appears to have suffered much both in purse and person. After the rebel- lion was crushed it appears that the unfortunate Payn was denounced to the queen as a traitor, and was arrested and thrown into the Marshalsea prison. There he was " threteyd to have ben hongyd, drawen, and quarteryd : and so wold have made me to have pechyd my Maister Fastolf of treson " (p. 185). This, however, he refused U* do, and ultimately, through the influence of ftrienda, he obtained a pardon. The letter is very interesting aa giv- ing some idea of the reign of terror which existed during the rebellion, and as showing how unpopular Sir John Fastolf was, not only with the rebels, but also with some of the queen's party. 858. Line 195: Spare none but such as go in CLOUTID SHOOM. There appears to be some difference of opinion as to tlie exact meaning of clouted. Some hold that it means "patched," others tiiat clouted ^oon means "shoes with hob nails." Tndoubtedly there was a kind of nails called dout-nails. Other commentators would restrict the sense to the iron plates which are fixed on the soles of the shoes of country folk In order to strengthen them. No doubt clouted means "patched," but it is a distinct word from clouted as applied to shoes. The former would be derived from clouts a rag, or patch, or piece of anything (from A. Sax. elUt); while the latter is derived from French douet, diminutive of c/ok, a nail. Hunter qnotes a pas- sage from England's Parnassus wliich seems to settle the meaning. The writer "is speaking of the ravages made on female beauty by the small-pox— which ploughs up flesh and blood. And leaves such prints of beauty if he come. As clouUd shoon do upon floors of lome. ' Therefore we may take it that douted shoon means hob- nailed shoes whether with or without iron plates on the soles. ACT IV. Scene 3. 860.— It appears that the defeat of the Staffords and their forces, which must have been very inconsiderable in number, took place owing to the royal party being de- ceived as to the movements of Cade. I'he king, according to Hollnshed, had gone against the rebels with 15,000 men well equipped; but the rebels fled into the wooded Digitized by Google ACT IV. Soene 4. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 5. country near Se venoaks ; and the king returned to London, upon which, as Hall relates (p. 220): "The Quene, which bare the rule, beyng of his retrayte well aduertised, tent Syr Hnmfrey Stafford knyght, and Wflliam his brother with many other gentelmen, to folow the chace of the Kentishmen. thlnkynge that they had fledde, but verely, they were desceyued ; for at the fyrst skynuish, both the Staffordes were slayne, and all their companye sham- fully discomfited." . . . "When the Kentish capl- tayn, or y* couetous Cade, had thus obteyned victory, and slayne the two valeaunt Staffordes, he appareled hym aelfe in their rich armure, and so with pompe and glory returned agayn toward London: in which retrayte diuers idle and tracabonde persons, resorted to him from Sussex and Surrey, and from other partes to a great nuber." This account is copied almost rerbaUm by Holinshed (VOL hi. p. 220). 900. Lines 6-9: the Lent shall be at long again a« U is; and thou $haU have a license to kill for a hundred lacking one a week.— The last lines are added by Malone from Qq. They are absolutely necessary to the sense; the meaning being, as explained by Malone in his note, that, as in the reign of Elizabeth butchers were not allowed to sell flesh- meat in Lent, some of the trade who had interest at court obtained a royal license to kill a limited number of beasts a week. At first sight it might appear that this regulation had for its object the keeping up of the fast observed by the £oman Catholic Church in Lent ; but care was taken to assure the public that there was no religious intention in the regulation. Harrison in his Description of England (bk. ii. p. 144) says: "but it is lawfull for euerie man to feed vpon what soeuer he is able to purchase, except it be vpon those dales whereon eating of flesh is especiallie forbidden by the lawes of the realme, which order is taken onelie to the end our numbers of cattell may be the better increased, and that aboundanoe of fish which the sea yeeldeth, more generallie receined. Beside this, there is great consideration had in making of this law for the preseruation of the nauie, and maintenance of conuenient numbers of sea faring men, both which would otherwise greatlie decaie, if some meanes were not found whereby they might be increased" (New. Shak. Soc. Re- print). ACrr IV. Scene 4. tn. Lines 5, 6: Here may his head lie on my throbbing breast : Bat where 's the body that I should embrace? See above note 224. Ml Lines 0-18.— The king did send an embassy to the rebels, though he did not carry out the intention here expressed of parleying m1th them. See Hall (pp. 220, 221): "Thus this glorious Capitayn, compassed about, and enuironed with a multitude of euil rude and rusticall persones, came agayn to the playn of Blackeheath, and there strdgly encamped him selfe: to whome were sent by the kynge, the Archebishop of Canterbury, and Humfrey duke of Buckyngham, to c6mon with him of his greues and requestea These lordes found him sober in commu- nicacion, wyse in disputyng. arrogant in hart, and styfe in hit opinion, and by no means possible, to be perswaded to disaolue his armye, except the kyng in person wolde come to him, and assent to all thynges, which he should requyre. These lordes, perceyu>iig the wilful pertinacy, and mani- fest contumacie of this rebellious Jauelyn, departed to the kyng, declaring to hym, his temerarious and rashe wordes, and presumptuous requestes." 268. Lines 21, 22: How now, madam! Lamenting still and mourning Suffolk's death f Printed in Ff. thus: How now Madam t Still lamenting and mourning for Suflblkes death? The editors who follow Ff. have not apparently perceived that line 22 is not a verse at all. We liave followed the an-angeuient of Pope. 961 Line 84: Sir Humphrey STAFFORD and his brother's death.— Vor an omission of the possessive inflection com- pare Merchant of Venice, lii. 4. 80: Until her hHsbaiid and my lord's retam. 966. Line 87: false caterpillars.— Compare Kichard II. note 186. 966. Line 89: My gracious lord, retire to KiUingworth.— See Hall, p. 221: "The kyng somwhat hearyng, and more markyng the saiynges of thys outragions losel, and hauyng dayly reporte of the concurse and accesse of people, which cOtinually resorted to him, doubtyng asmuch his familiar seruauntes, as his vnknowS subieotes (which spared not to speake, that the capitaynes cause, was profitable for the commonwealth) departed in all haste to the castell of Kylyngworthe in Warwyckeshyre. leauyng only behynd hfan y« lord Scales, to kepe the Towre of London." 967. line 48: Lord Say, JACK Cadk, THE TRAITOB, hateth thee.-Y. 1 reads: Lord Say. the traitors hateth thee. F.2, F.8, F.4: Lord Say, the traitors hate thee. Capell reads: "the traitor rebel hateth thee." For the emendation in the text I am responsible. 966. Line 49: Jack Cade hath gotten London bridge- Events are made to proceed more rapidly tlian they actually did, owing to dramatic necessities. It was not till after the king's escape to Kenilworth that Cade and the rebels entered London, going first into South wark; the battle on London Bridge took place later. ACT IV. Scene 5. 969.— This and the following scene are probably founded on the following passage in Hall (pp. 221, 222): "The wise Mayre, and sage magistrates of the citie of London, per- ceyuyng th§selfes. neither to be sure of goodes nor of lyfe well warranted, determined with feare to repel and expulse this mischieuous head, and hys vngracious cdpany. And because the lord Scales was ordeyned Keper of y« Towre of London, with Mathew Gough, the often named capitayne in Normandy, (as you haue harde before) they purposed to make them pryuye both of their entent and enterprise. The lord Scales promised th§ hys ayde, with shotyng of ordinaunce, and Mathew Goughe was by hym Digitized by Google ACT lY. Soene «. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART IL ACT IV. 7. appoynted, to astUt the Hayre and tbe Londonen; bycause he was both of manhode, and experience greatly re- noomed and noyted. So y« Capitaynee of the citie ap- pointed, toke vi>on them in tlie night to Icepe the iHidge of LondoD, prohibiting the Kentialund, either to paase or approche. The rebellee, which neoer eoandly tlepte, for feare of sodain chaunces, hearyng the brydge to be Icept and manned, ran with great haste to open their passage, where betwene bothe partes was a ferce and cruell en- counter. Mathew Oongh, more experte in mardal feates, then the other cheuetaynes of the citie, perceiuyng the Kentishmen better to stande to their taclyng, then liis imaginacion expected, aduised his cdpapy no further to procede, toward South warke, till the day appered: to the entent, that the citezens hearing where the place of the ieopardye rested, might occurre their enemies, and releue their frendes and companiona But this couosail came to small effect: for the multitude of y rebelles draue the citesens from the stoulpes at the bridge foote, to the drawe bridge, and began to set fyre in diners houses. Alas what sorrow it was tobeholde that miserable chauuce: for some desyrynge to eschew tlie fyre, lept on his enemies weapon, and so died: fearfull women with chyl- dren in their armes, amased and appalled, lept into the riuer: other doubtinge how to sane them self betwene fyre, water, and swourd, were in their houses suffocat and smoldered. Yet the capitayns nothing regarding tliese channces, fought on the draw bridge all the nighte Taleauntly, but in conclusion, the rebelles gate the draw bridge, and drowned many, and slew Jhon Sutton alder- man, and Robert Heysande a hardy citizen, with many other, beside Mathew Oongh" (pp. 821, t22X ACT IV. Scene 6. VTO. Line 2: London-stone.— Ball tells us: "But after that he entered into Londd. and cut the ropes of the draw bridge, strikyng his sworde on London stone, saiyng: now is Mortymer lorde of this citie, and rode in euery strete lyke a lordly Capitayn " (p. 221X It mast be remembered that London Bridge then consisted, as it were, of a street of houses, which, as well as the bridge itself, were con- structed of wood and therefore very inflammable. In the middle was a space occupied by the drawbridge. London Stone still exists, or rather a fragment of it. built into the wall of St Swithin's Church, opposite Cannon Street Railway Station. Rolfe says (p. 172): " It is supposed by Camden to have been a Roman mUliarium— the centre from which all the great Roman roads radiated over Eng- land, corresponding to the Golden Milestone in tlie Forum at Rome. It came to be looked upon as a kind of palla- dium in the metropolis, and Cade evidently so regards it here." m. Lines S-7.— In the Var. lEd. vol xvUL p. 810 will be found an interesting note upon this conduit which it is not necessary to quote. It may be noted that in some old-fashioned inns, and among the lower middle class. dartt and sherry are still spoken of aa **elant wine " and " sherry white wine. ■* Some of our readers may remem- ber a celebrated print of a similar fountain to the one alluded to here, in Brussela There seems to be no doubt 100 that many of the cruel murders, euphemistically called executions, committed by Jack Cade, were prompted by Ids anger against those persons who refused to acknow- ledge his claim to the UUe of Lord MorUaer. ACT IV. 8CE5B 7. 278.— The Palace of The Savoy, the residence of the Duke of Lancaster, was destroyed by the rebels under Wat Tyler in the reign of Richard IL It would seem that it was not really rebuilt till the time of Henry VIL Shakespeare has shown us in other places, in Coriolanua for instance, the very little respect he bad for mob-law. He evidently did not believe in the proposition m to vox populi being vox deL In this scene he gives free range to his satire, especially in the long speech of Cade Just below. Nothing could be more true to nature than the hatred of all learning and culture displayed by these socialists of the fifteenth century. STSl lines 7, 8: Only tkat the lawt of England may eome out qf your fiumfA.— This seems to be taken from Holin- shed's account of Wat Tyler's insurrection (voL ii. p. 740): " It was reported in deed that he diould sale with great pride the day before these things chanced* putting his hands to his lips, that within foure dales all the lawee of England should eomefoorth qfhis motUh." 271 Iinea48»40: beeauee they oould not read, thorn haet hang'd them; le. "because they coold not claim the benefit of clergy,** a privilege which exempted at lint only the clergy from criminal process before a civil Judge; b«t "the beneJU ^f clergy was afterwards extended to every- one who could read; and it was enacted that there sbeold be a prerogative allowed to the clergy, that if any man who could read were to be condemned to death, the bishop of the diocese might, if he would, olaim him as a derk, and dispose of him in some places of the clergy aa he might deem meet. The ordinary gave the prisoner at the bar a Latin book, in a black Gothic character, from which to read a verse or two; and if the ordinary said. 'Legit ut Cterieu$' (' He reads like a clerk "X the offender was only burnt fai the hand; otherwise he sollered death, 8 Bdw. L 0274). '• (See Haydn's Diet of Dates, eut " Clergy. ") The privilege was modified by acts of parlia- ment in 1480, 1512, 1706. in the reigns of Henry VIII. and Ann respectively. The benefit of clergy was wholly re- pealed in 1827, in the reign of George IV. 275. Line 52.-See above, note 227. 276. Lines 66, 66: Kent, in the Commentaries Ceeear writ, Ii Urm'd the eiviTet place qfaU thie ide. The passage in which Ctosar says this is in book v. of the Commentaries: " £x his omnibus sunt humaniasimi qui Ointium Incolunt;" thus translated by Arthur Oolding. 1500: " Of all the inhabitants of this Isle, the dvileet are the Kentishfolke." Malone quotes from Euphues, 1580: "Of all the inhabitants of this isle tlie Kentishmen are the civQest" (Var. Ed. vol. xvlii. p. 316). tn. Line 67: Svfeet ie the country, BBAUnovs, /v U ^ riehee.—Vt read: Sweet if the country itau$M full of rkfaes. Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scene 7. NOTES TO KINO HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT IV. Scene 8. vhldi seems to be nonsense. It is evident that some epi- thet is demanded in the text, for which beeau§e is a mis- print We have, in common with many editors, adopted Hanmer's admirable conjecture. Beauteotu is a favonrite epithet of 8hakeq)eare'8 as applied both to persons and things. S78. Lines 74, 75: Whsn have I aught exacted at your hands. But to maintain the king, the realm, and you} ¥t. have ** Ketit to maintain." Kent seems to have crept into Uie text by mistaice. Even the Cambridge edd. adopt Johnson's conjecture, '*But to maintain," which certainly seems the most probable emendation. t79. Lines 95, 96: Ye ehall Aase a hempen caudle, then, and the hblp o/ hatchet— So F. 1; F. 2, F. 8, F. 4 Tiave •• the help of a hatchet; - but the phrase is not very in- telliglble. Farmer was the first to suggest the emenda- tion pap with a hatchet, which was a recognized cant phrase of the time, as we know from Lilly's Mother BomUe, 18:" they give us pap with a tpoone before we can speake. and when wee speake for that wee love, pap with a hatchet^ (Worlu, vol. ii. p. 88). Indeed, that author used it as the title for a pamphlet written by him in 1584: "Pap with a Hatchet," otherwise, "A sound box on the ear for the Ideot Martin to hold his peace." This pam- phlet, however, is generally attributed to Nash. Park explains the phrase as being a proverbial one for "doing a Idnd thing in an unkind manner." Farmer's emenda- tion is very ingenious, and fits in with the spirit of the paasage; Cade brutally answers Lord Saye's complaint that he is a sick man by telling him that he ought to be treated with a rope for caudle, that is, that he should be hung; and with the "help of hatchet," that is, that he should be decapitated. The word caudle naturally sug- gests the word pap; and whUe this is one of those emendations which are extremely plausible, because it is what we should expect the author to have written, it is therefore one that we must be cautious to adopt too readily, if the reading of the original edition makes any sense at alL '* llie help of hatchet" may be a parody on the phrase "by God's help." An emendation, not noticed by the Cambridge edd., was suggested by an anonymous writer in the Collier Controversy in a pamphlet entitled "Collier, Coleridge, and Shakespeare." llie writer pro- poses to read (p. 150) " the heal of a hatchet;" heal being very generally spelt hele, and therefore easily to be mis- taken for help. 880. Lines 115-119.— Hall's account of the murder of Lord Say, and his companions, is as follows : " And vpon the thyrde daye of Julij, he caused syr James Fynes lord Say, and ThreasoKr of £nglande, to be brought to the Oylde halle at L<»idon, and there to be arrayned : whiche beyng before the kynges iustices put to awnswere, desired to be tryed by his peeres, for the lenger delay of his life. Tlie Capitayne perceiuyng his dilatorie pie. by force toke him from the oflBcers, and brought him to the standard in Cbeape, and there before his confession ended, caused his head to be cut off, and pitched it on a highe poole, wlUch was op£ly borne before hym through the stretes. And this cmell tyraunt not content with the murder of Uie lorde Say, went to Myle end, and there apprehended syr James Cromer, then shreue of Kent, and sonne in law to the sayd lord Say, and hym without confession or ex- cuse heard, caused there likewyse to be bedded, and his head to be Axed on a poole, and with tliese two heddes, this blody butcher entered into the citie agayn, and in despyte caused them in euery strete, kysse together, to the great detestaciou of all the beholders" (p. 221). It was WiUiam Cromer, Sheiiff of Kent, whom Cade put to death ; but the dramatist, as will be seen, only copies the mistake of the chroniclers. 281. Lines 128-130.— The custom here alluded to was called Mercheta muUenim. Several writers. Including Sir David Dalrymple, Blackstone, and Whittaker, deny that it was ever practised. Beaumont and Fletcher's Custom of the Country is based upon this traditional priv- ilege. 888. Line ISO: men thall hold of me in capitk.— This Joke, as has been remarked, is too learned a one for Jack Cade to have made. 288. Line 132: as free as heart can insh or tongue can tell.— It would appear that several ancient grants exist, written in rhyme, in which lands are said to be held on this tenure. Blakeway in a note In the Var. Ed. on this passage (vol. xviii. p. 231) quotes from the Yearbook of 10 Henry VII. foL 14, a. pL 6: "En ascil case son graunt est. 'As free as tongue can speak or heart can think :' "— which are almost Cade's words. ACT IV. Scene 8. 881 Lines 1, 2: Up Fish Street! dovm Saint Magnus Collier!— Both these places are on the opposite side of the river to Southwark, where the scene is supposed to take place. The name of Fish Street is preserved in Fish Street BUI, on which the Monument stands. There is a church of Saint Magnus in Lower Thames Street Perhapa these directions were intended to be given to bands of the rebels who were to cross the bridge. 885. Lines 9. 10: And here pronounce free pardon to them all That will forsake thee and go home in peace. This free pardon, according to Hall, was brought by the Archbishop of Canterbury, then chancellor of Eng- land, and the Bishop of Winchester : "The archebishop of Canterbury, beyng then chauncelor of England, and for his suerty lyenge in the Towre of London, called to him the bishop of Winchester, whiche also for feare, lurked at Halywell. These two prelates seyng the fury of the Kentish people, by reason of their betyng backe, to be mitigate and minished. passed the ryuer of Thamyse from the Towre, into Southwarke, bringing with them vnder the kynges great scale, a general pardon vnto all the offenders: which they caused to be openly proclaimed and published. Lorde how glad the poore people were of this Pardone (ye more then of the great Jublle of Rome) and how thei accepted thesame, in so nmche that the whole multitude, without blddyng farewel to their capitain, retired thesame night, euery man to his awne home, as men amased, and strika with feare" (p. 222). 101 Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scene 0. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART 11. ACT IV. Scene 10. ns. Line 11. —Clarke has an interesting note here com- paring Lord Say's defence and the speech of Cliflord, much to the disadvantage of the lattor. Lord Say's speeches in bis own defence seem to hare been entirely Shakespeare's inTention except four lines; while Clif- ford's is compressed from two other speeches in the Old Play; the touch about Henry V. being Stiakespeare's own. No doubt Lord Say's defence is a very noble one, and to a reasonable mind very convincing. By the side of it Lord Clifford's may seem mere claptrap; but the latter knew his audience the best You may appeal to the sen- timent or self-interest of a mob; but never to its reason. In the recognition of this fact lies the demagogue's power. 887. Line 13: Or Ut a REBEL lead jfou to your deaths. - Ff. read rabble; the emendation is from the Collier MS., first adopted by Singer. S8S. Line 26: that you eltould leave me at the White £fart— Walker suggests that a play upon words is here Intended, between White Hart and white heart This idea is confirmed by the fact that in F. 1 it is printed White- heart, and F. 2, F. 8 white-heart; while only hi F. 4 it is White-hart. 880. Line 48: Crying ViLlACO I unto all they meeL—¥t have Villiago, for which Tlieobald absurdly proposed ViUageoit, VUiaeo is a common term of reproach not unfreqnently found in the writers of Shakespeare's time. Compare Ben Jonson's Every Man out of his Humour, v. 3: " Now out, base vUiaco ! " (Works, vol. li. p. 181). It occurs also in Dekker, in The Untrussing of the Humorous Poet "the faint hearted viUiacoes sounded at least thrice ' (vol. i. p. 187> Florio gives " Vigliaeco, a rascal, a lend rogue, a scurry scoundrel" 880. Line 68: Henry hath UOKBT, you are etrong and ma iiiy.—Warburton, quite unnecessarily, proposed to read mercy; but as Johnson pointed out, they had the etrength and the king the money; or one might say that they (the people) had the muscle, and the king the sinews qfwar. 891. Lines 66-67: only my fcUower^ base and igno- minious TREASONS, MAKES me betake me to my heels.— So Ff. Some editors altered treasons to treasim, because of the singular verb following, makes. The alteration is unnecessary. ACT IV. Scene 9. 888. Line 4: But I was made a king, at nine months old, —This is historically true; but in the last play the dra- matist does not pay much regard to this historic fact. See I. Heniy VI. iU. 4. 17, 18: When I was young, as yet I am not old,— I do remember how my father said. A child who remembers what was said when he was less than nine months old is certainly a phenomenon. 808. Une 26: 0/ SAYAQE gallowglasses and stout kerns. — Ff. have simply: Of gallowglasaes and ttout kerns, a word having evidently dropped out Hanmer printed desperate, Capell nimble. We adopt Dyce's emendation 102 satage. Orey says (voL li. p. 20): "The QaUowgUuses and Kerns, according to Stanihurst, were two orders of foot soldiers among the Irish; the former very bold and strong men, but very inhuman; the latter were fond of keeping their swords clean, and free from hacks. Of which he produces one remarkable instance. ' It is said that one of their body (i.e. kerns) returning from battle having received more than four dangerous wounds inspected his sword, and, when he saw that it was in no part hacked or bent, returned the greatest thanks to tlie deity because those wounds had been inflicted on his body and not on his sword. " The Gallowglasses were armed , according to Stanihurst, "in a long shirt of mayl down to the calf of his leg, with a long broad ax in his hand, was pedes gravis armatures (and was instead of the foutman that now weareth the corsletX before the corslet was used or almost invented" {ut supra, pp. 29. 30). llie reiil derivation of the word is the Irish galloglach, a servant, a heavy-armed soldier, from gall, foreign, and oglaeh, a youth. Spenser in his View of the State of Ireland, voL vi. p 1677, says: "That the Oallowglasses, from their name, were antient English; fur gallogla signifies an English servitor or yeoman." This mistake seems to have arisen from the fact that the Irish copied the armament of these troops from that of the early English military settlers. The kerns were the light-armed troops. See Richard II. note 127. Oallowglasses and kerns are mentioned again in Shakespeare in Macbeth i. 2. IS, 14: from the western isles Of Jberns and gal/an'£/asses is supplied. 801 Line 80: The Duke of Somerset, whom he terms traitor.— Ft. have '*a traitor." We have omitted the a as unnecessary. 806. Line 88: Is straightway cai m*d, a ltd boarded uith a pirate.— V. I has calme, F. 2 elaimd, F. 3 daim*d The reading in the text is that of F. 4. Walker conjectured ehcu'd. 886. Line 86: I pray thee, Buckingham, go THOU and meet Aim.— Ff. omit thou, which was first supplied by Dyce. The line as it stands in Ff. is very unrhythmical 887. Lines 80. 40: And, Somerset, we will commit thee thither. Until his army be dismissed from him, Henry VI., though he is represented as having many amiable qualities, seems to have been equally ready with Charles I. to desert any of his friends when they were in trouble. ACrr IV. Scene 10. 888. Line 1: Fie on ambition !—¥. 1 reads atnbitions. corrected in F. 2. Hall's account of the capture is as follows (p. 222): " For after a Prodamacion made, that whosoeuer could apprehende tiiesaied Jac (Tade, should haue for his pain» a. M. markes, many sought for h)-ro, but few espied hym, Ul one Alexander Iden, esquire of Kent found hym in a garden, and there in his defence, manfully slewe the caitife Cade, A brought his ded body to London, whose hed was set ou Londd bridge. " HoUn- shed says that this garden was in Sussex at Hothfleld (vol ilL p. 227X Digitized by Google ACT IV. 8oen« 10. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART 11. ACT V. Scene 1. tM.— Snter Iden with five Servants, uho remain at back,— In Ft. Iden U maUe to enter aiinu; bat after- wards, line 42, Cade distinctly mentions the presence of five men. The Cambridge edd. seem to think that, be- cause Iden has a soliloquy when he first enters, Shake- speare intended him to come on alone, only that he forgot to strike out the reference to the five persons which is found in Qq. But tlie stage direction that we have introduced gets rid of the apparent discrepancy. SOO. Line 22: / teek not to wax great by othere' WANING. —Ft. read warning; the correction is Rowe's. Grey pro- poses winning, a conjecture which is not noticed by the Cambridge edd. The antithesis between waxing and teaniitg points to Rowe's emendation as being the right one. Warning makes no sense whatever. Ml Line 31: eat iron like an o$trieh.— The source, whence this popular belief about tlie ostrich is derived, is not apparent The passage is taken verbatim from the Contention. According to a note of Halliwell on the pas- sage in tlie Old Play, Sir Thomas Browne and Alexander Ross "fought a paper battle some two centuries ago" on the subject of this digestive feat of oetriehes. I can speak from personal experience of the marvellous appetite and digestion of an emu. I once gave one of these birds some laige pebbles, some pennies, and part of a leather purse, all of which he consumed with perfect satisfaction. I then tried him with a pocket-handkerchief, which was of rather a large size. This he had some difficulty in dis- poiliig eL He ultimately swallowed it completely, and his health was not at all affected by the meaL Pliny says, speaking of the ostrich (bk. x. ch. 1, p. 270): " A wonder this is in their nature, that whatsoever they eat (and great devourers they bee of all things, without difference and choise) they concoct and digest it" lot. Line 83: Why, rude coupamov, whatsoe'er thou be. — See Mids. Night's Dream, note 7. Compare Julius Gnaar, iv. 8. 138: "Companion, hence!" also Comedy of Errors, iv. 4. 64. 308. Line 46: Thai Alexander Iden, Eequire qf Kent— Ff. have **an Esquire." We omit the an, describing Iden in the same way that Hall does. See above, note 208. 001 Line 66: h\JT aefor words,~who»e greatneu antwere icordt.—VI. omit But; we follow Dyce's reading. 305. Line 62: / beseech God on my knees. —Ft. have Jove. Malone restored the reading Ood from Qq. Some com- mentators think that Jove was substituted in consequence of the 8t{itnte 3 James I. chap, ii., which forbade the use of the name of Ood upon the stage. But, undoubtedly, Jote is sometimes used in other passages for the name of the Christian deity where its use can scarcely be so explained. 000. Line 66: the TEN meals I have lost. —As Cade had been without food five days (see above, line 41X this shows that only two meals a day were supposed to be, at that time, the proper allowance. 007. Line 84: And as I thrust thy body with my sword.— Ft have " thrust in; " following Dyce we have omitted the in as unnecessary. ACT V. SCENK 1. 800.— The dramatist now passes over a considerable interval of time. In July, 1450, Jack Cade was taken and killed. The liattle uf St Albans was fought May 22nd, 1455. Immediately after the suppression of Cade's rebel- lion York came over from Ireland to England witli 4000 men. He forced his way into Henry's presence,and behaved with great insolence. Having made the king promise to summon a parliament, he retired to his castle at Fother- ingay. Immediately after this Somerset returned from France ; but, with the disgrace of the loss of Normandy attaching to him, he could do but very little fur the king's cause. The enmity between York and Somerset kept the country in a constant state of agitation. In 1451 York raised another army on tlie pretext of defeating the pro- ceedings of Somerset He marched to London, but found the gates shut against him. Thence he proceeded to Dartford in Kent, in the hope of being joined by tlie Kentish men. Henry followed him with his army, but no collision took place. The result of the negotiations thnt ensued was that Somerset was committed to prison; while York disbanded hid army and submitted to Henry. The two rivals then met in the presence of the king, and abused one another roundly. Immediately after this interview York was arrested. Henry refused to follow Somerset's advice, which was that he should be put on his trial and executed. York again swore fealty to the king, and a peace was patched up between the rival parties, mainly brought about by the news that the Earl of March wns advancing wiUi an army to liberate his father. Imme- diately after this two important events happened: one. the fatal battle in which Talbot was defeated and slain, and Guienne lost to the Euglisli ; the other the birth of a son to the king and queen. This last event would seem to have put a stop to York's hopes of the succession. But at this very time the health of the king, both mental and bodily, was such that a protectorate had to be appointed; and York was chosen by a committee of peers for the office ; but the king's rights were preserved inviolate. By the end of the year 1454 Henry had recovered his health and reason. At the beginning of the next year, 1456, he put an end to the protectorate, and liberated the Duke of Somerset from the Tower. He did his best to recon- cile the two dukes, and induce them to submit their claims to arbitration; but York, who had detemiined to provoke a (A^il war, collected together his forces, and on May 22nd, the battle of St Albans was fought 300. Line 5 : saneta majestas /—So Ff. Qq. have sancta maiesta, which may have been intended for Italian. Santa maestd, which Capell printed, would certainly suit the metre much better ; but, if it were intended to be so, we should expect to find some greater blunder in the spelling. There is scarcely any instance, throughout Shakespeare's plays, of two Italian words together being spelt correctly, either in Ff. or Qq. 310. Line 10: A sceptre shall it have, have I a soul— i.e. "as I have a soul." Compare Henry VIIL iv. L 44: Sir, AT / have a soul, she it an angel. 311. Line 13 : 1 must dissemble.— li is curious to find in 103 Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PAET 11. ACT V. Soene 1. Shakespeare the original of this phraae, repeated ad nau- Ham in all melodramas of the last fifty years, and forming one of the stock Jokes of borlesquea. How many a time have we seen the villain, or mock villain, as the case may be, wrapping his cloak roond him while he muttered, " I most dissemble ! " Little did we think that he was unwittingly quoting Shakespeare. Marlowe used it be- fore Shakespeare, in the Jew of Malta, act iv.: **But I must dwemble" (Works, p. 166). 812. Lines ^6, 27: And now, like Ajax Telamomia, On $heep or oxen could 1 tpendmy/urff. See Love's Labour 's Lost, note 106. Orey (vol. iL p. 81) quotes from Cleveland's Works, 1677, p. 76: "Stout AJax, with his anger-codled brain, KiUiug a sheep, thought Agamemnon slain." 818. Line 66: May pass into the pretence c/a king.^ Walker conjectured pre$9, which looks very much like the right reading, in spite of the unpleasant jingle between preu and presence. 814. Line 72 : / was, an t Wee your majesty.— TerhAps we should read, in order to complete the line, I was tAat tnan, an 't like your majesty. 815. Line 74 : Alexander Iden, tJuU's my ttamtf.— Again I would suggest, to complete the line : Alexander Iden, tliat 't my name, w^ /«^. I see that in the Cambridge edn. the same conjecture was made by Keightley. 816. Line 78 : Iden, kneel down [He kneels]. IDSN, rite tip a knight—Ft. have Iden, knecle domie, rise vp a KiiiKbt. We have followed Dyce in inserting the second Iden. 817. Line 100 : Wouidet have me KNSEL?/r»t letmeaek q^TUESE, [poiDtiiig to his Attendants].— Tyrwhitt thought that by these York meant his knee^. Other commentators explain it that ho meant his sons. Our stage-direction supplies what seems the most probable explanation. In saying these words he is intended to point to those of his followers whom he had brought with him, who had already been taught to look upon him as a claimant to the crown. 818. Line 181: To BEDLAM trith him! it the man grown mad f See King John, note 85, also foot-note; but it is quite clear that the use of Bedlam or Bethle^m hospital for the insane dates from an earlier period tlian Henry VIII. : *• Next unto the parish church of S. Buttolph," says Stow, "is a fayre inne for receipt of travellers: then an Hospitall of S. Mary of Bethelem, founded by Simon fits Mary one of the SherifTes of London, in the yeare 1246. he fotmded it to haue beene a Priorie of Cannons with brethren ajid sisters, and king Edward the thirde granted a protection, which I have seene for the brethren, MUieicB heatce Mariee de Bethlem, within the citie of Lon- don, the 14 yeare of his raigne. It wae an hospitall /or dietracted people. " Survey of London, 1598, p. 127. 819. Lines 139, 140: £dw. Ay, noble father, if our words will serve. BlclL And if words will not, then our weapons shall 104 The dramatist takes oonaiderabto liberty with hiatory in making the sons of York old enough to bear arms at thia time. Sdward, Eari of March, was bom April 29th, 1442» so that he was just thirteen years old. Richard was bom October 2nd, 1462, so that he was not three years old. The exact date of the battle of St. Albans was May 22nd,. 1465. 890. Line 146: riLL-LURKTHG curs.— It it very doubtful if this is the right reading. Several emendations have been proposed, such ta/ell^rking, fell-lurching, and, by the Collier MS., the very obvious and commonplace wag- gestion /stt-JooKfi^. The word is hyphened in Ff.; but after all, though a peculiar epithet, it may be the right one ; for It describes aptly enough that kind of ferocious cur which lies In wait for the unsuspecting passenger, and, rashing out from its hiding-place, flies at him before he has time to defend himself. 881. Lines 151-156.— This speech was added by Shake- speare, and has no parallel in The Contention. It fore- shadows very clearly the character of Eicbard as It was afterwards so powerfully developed In Richard III. 818. Line 153: Who, being SCPPBR'P with the bear's fell paw.— We have given in the foot-note what seems the preferable interpretation of this elliptical phrase. Some take it to mean *' in a state of sufferance or pain." We have a similar Instance of the elliptical use of suffer ia this phiy, iii. 1 262: Lest being stiffet'd in that harmful slumber. i.e. "being allowed to remain ; " and before in ill. 1. 82: Suffer them now, and they'll o'ergrow the garden. 888. Lines 164, 166: What, wilt thou OH thy death-bed play the BCFFIAH, And seek for SORROW with thy spectacles? BuJUin appears here to have the sense in which it is. generally used in Shakespeare, namely, that of " a bratal, boisterous fellow." Otherwise we might have suspected that it had the same sense as the Italian rvffiano, "» pimp," "a pander," a sense in which it is, not unfreqnently, used in old writers; the meaning being that Salisbury had» in his old age, played the part of the tempter to his son. Sorrow probably means here more " cause for repent- ance or remorse" than the ordinary sense of grief. Shakespeare refers to spectacles in three other passages, of which the most notable is in As You Like It, iL 7. 159: M'ith sfectacUs on nose and pouch on side. Spectacles were, in Shakespeare's time, probably only made with convex glasses, and intended for old sight, not for short sight 891 Line 170: Atid stain thine honourable age with BLOOD.— Ff. have '* with shame." We have followed Djce in adopting Walker's conjecture, which prevents the clashing of shame with " For shame /" below, line 17a 888. line 106: You were best go to bed and dream again, — Ff. have "You were best to go." We have omitted the to before go, as spoiling the line, being unnecessary. Rowe made the same omission. 896. Line 200: And that I 'U wriU upon thy arBOOMET. —Planch^ in his CycloiMedia of Costume (pp. 64, 66) says : Digitized by Google ACT Y. Boene 2. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ACT V. Scene 2. " Boi^gooet. Burginot. A spedet of dose helmet invented, or at least tint worn by the BtUKundlans (whence pro- bably its name) in the fifteenth centory. Its peculiarity consisted Id the adaptation of the lower rim of the hel- met to the upper one of the gorget, by hollowing it out so as to receive the head of the latter, by which contriv- ance the head could be freely turned to the right or the left without exposing the throat of the wearer to the point of the lance or the sword." an. Line 201 : Might I hut know thee by thy HOVSIHOLD badge.— ¥. 1 have housed; F. 2, F. 8. F. 4 house*. Malone was the first to restore the reading household from Qq. 888. Line 203: The rampant bear chain'd to the ragged •to/*.— This well-known badge of the Neville family came to the Earl of Warwick from the Beauchamps through his marriage with the heiress of Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. See I. Henry VI. note 8. The crest of the Ne\ille8 was a dun bull's head, which Is still borne by the Earls of Abergavenny; the supporters of their anus l>eing two bulls, argent, armed, collared, and chained. See French, p. 192. 8S9. Line 211: And to to arms, TO ARKS, victorious father. —We have inserted the second to arms in order to complete the line, which in Ff. stands Aad so to Anns, victorioos father. ACT V. Scene 2. 880. Line 28.— Lord Clifford was not killed by York. The mode of his death is represented in accordance with history in the next play. III. Henry VL i. 1. 7-9: L0ni C/ijTi^daad Lord Stafford, all abreast. Char^'d our main battle's front, and breaking in, Were by the swords of common soldiers slain. Sliakespeare had, as Dr. Percy pointed out, a dramatic object in making Clifford fall by the hand of York, because- it gives a reason for the vengeance which young Clifford took on York and his young son, Rutland. The fact that i Shakespeare should have allowed the lines, referring to the death of Clifford quoted above, to stand, is merely another proof of the carelessness with which he revised or adapted these plays. 881. Line 45: To cease t— Wast, thou ordain'd, dear father.— Vte have here another instance of a dramatic pause caused by the omission of a syllable, to other in- stances of which we hare drawn attention. (See Richard II. note 170.) No one with any ear or dramatic feeling would wish to supply the lacking syllable here. The emotion of the actor does that naturally. 888. Lines 61-60.— These lines, which are nearly all Shakespeare's own, prepare us for the horrible cruelty of young Clifford in the next play. We now strike the key- note of that bloodthirsty passion for vengeance on per- sonal grounds, which made the Wars of the Roses so hor- ribly distinguished by acts of atrodous cruelty. 888. Line 60: As wUd Medea young Absyrtus did." Abtyrtus or Apsyrtus was the son of Aeetes, King of Colchis, and the brother of Medea. Ovid in his Tristia (lib. iiL eleg. ix.) narrates the horrible story, how Medea during her flight from Colchis with Jason, when off the coast of MoBsia, seeing that her father's ships threatened to overtake the fugitives, inhumanly killed her young brother, and scattered his mangled limbs about, in order that the horrid sight might stay her father in his pursuit. The place, where this supposed barbarity was committed, was Tomi, on the shores of tlie Euxine (Black Sea); the very town where Ovid wore out the miserable years of his exile. 881 Lines e7-«0: For underneath an alehouse' paltry sign. The Castie in Saint Alban's, Somertet Hath made the witard famous in his death. The Incident is thus narrated by Hall (p. 238): "For there died vnder the sigue of the Castle, Edmond duke of Som- erset, who long before was warned to eschew all Castles, and beside hym, lay Henry the second erie of Xorthum- berland, Hufrey erle of Stafford, sonne to the duke of Buckingham, Jhon lorde Clifford, and viij. M. men and more. " 886. Line 87: Reigns in the hearts of all our present PABT.— Ff. read parts; we have followed Dyce in ininting pait= party; compare line 35 above: Throw in the frozen bosoms of our /art 886. Line 90: Away, my lord, away /— llie king did not fly; but was conducted by the Duke of York to London with every demonstration of reverence and honour. Hall's account of the battle of St. Albans is as follows (p. 232): "The kyng beyng credebly informed, of the greate army commyng toward hym, assembled an host intendyng to mete with the duke in the Norihe parte, because he had to many f rendes about the citie of London, and for that cause, with greate spede and small lucke, he bej'ng accompanied, with the Dukes of Somerset, and Buckyngham, therles of Stafford, Northumberlande, and Wiltshire, with the lorde Clifford, and diuerse other bards, departed out of Westminster, the. xx. dale of May, toward the tonne of S. Albons: of whose doynges, the duke of Yorke being aduertised, by his espials, with all his power costed the countrej's, and came to the same toune, the third dale next ensuyng. The kyng hearyng of their approchyng, sent to hym messengers, straightly chargyng and commaundyng hym, as an obedient subiect, to kepe the peace, and not as an enemy to his naturall countrey, to mnrdre and slay his awne countremen and propre nacid. While kyng Henry more desirous of peace then of warre, was sendyng furthe his orators, at the one ende of the toune; the erle of Warwicke with the Marche- men, entered at the other gate of the toune, and Aersly set on the kynges forewanl. and theim shortly discomfited. Then came the duke of Somerset, and all the other lordes with the kynges power, whiche fought a sore and a cmelf battaill, in the whiche, many a tall man lost his life: but the duke of Yorke sent euer freshe men, to succor the wery, and put new men in the places of the hurt persons, by whiche onely polUcie, the kynges armie was profligate and dispersed, and all the chieftaines of the field almoste slain and brought to confusion." 106 Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 8. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART II. ACT V. Scene 3. ACT V. Scene 3. 817. Line 1: Old Sala^ury, who can report of himf — Ff. have "0/ Salisbury. " The emendation is from Col- lier's MS. corrector, adopted by Dyce. In the correspond- ing speech in The Contention Yorlc asks (p. 519): But did you see cid SaltbHry, since we WiUi bloodie mindes did buckle with the foef 888. Unes 8. 4: Aged contuwmt and all bkush of time. And, like a gallant in the BKOW qf youth. So Ff . Warbnrton's conjecture bruiee for brueh is adopted by some editors, and Mr. Collier's MS. corrector made the same alteration; but compare Troilus and Cressida, v. 3.83»34: Let ffrow thy sinews till their Icnots be strong. And tempt not yet the brushes of the war; in which passage Mr. Collier's MS. again substituted hruUe*. Brueh certainly seems in that passage, and here, to give the notion of "a rough encounter," and, perhaps, in the passage in our text there is also the idea of the detrition and the wearing effect caused by time; through this meaning we probably get tlie more modem expres- »ion "brush with the enemy," i.e. "tharp encounter with the enemy. For brow in line 4 there are many emen- dations; Johnson suggested blow in the sense of bhseom- ing; and the Cambridge edd. give an anonymous con- jecture glow, which is very plausible, as is also Collier's correction Moom. In support of the last conjecture Mr. W. N. Lettsom quotes from Much Ado, v. 1. 76 : His May of youth and Uaem of lustihood ; and in support of bruiee he quotes from the same play, same scene, line 65: And with grey liairs and bruise of many days. Certainly these passages lend considerable support to Collier's emendations; but this seems to us another case in which one is not justified in altering the text simply because the expression is not one we should hare ex- pected, lliere is more to l>e said for changing brow than brueh; for where brow is used figuratively by Shakespeare, in King John, v. 1. 49, 60: outface the brow Of bragging horror; and in the same play, v. 6. 17: "here walk I in the black brow of night;" and again, where it is used as generally = "aspect," "appearance" in Hamlet, i. 2. 4: To be contracted on one brow of woe, it alw«ys has the sense, more or less, of frowning. The only passage tliat at all confirms the use c f brow in the sense required by the text, is in Macbeth, iv. 3. 23: Though all tliiugs foul would wear the brows of grace. 880. Une 29: Ncfw, by my FAITH.— (f. read hand. Malone supposed this to have been one of the Mlterattons made in F. 1 to avoid the penalty of the statute, before referred to, of 8rd James I. cap. 21. His emendation faith has been very generally adopted. WORDS OCCURRING ONLY IN KING HENRY VI PART II. Note.— The addition of sub. adj. veris, adv. in brackets ininitdiately after a word indicates that the word is used as a substantive, adjective, verb, or adverb, only in the passage or passages cited. XOTB. —The compound words marked with an asterisk ( * ) are printed as tu>o separate words in F. 1. Act Be. Line Abrook iL 4 10 Accuse (sub.)., iii 1 160 Aidancei iii. 2 106 'Alderliefest.. i. 1 28 Ashy* iii. 2 62 Attainture .... L 2 106 Balance (verb), v. 1 9 Banditto iv. 1 185 Beehives iv. 1 109 Beggar-woman iv. 2 151 Behoof* iv. 7 83 Besom iv. 7 84 Bested iL 8 66 1 Yenut and Ad. S30. t Venus and Ad. 76 ; Lacreoe, 1878, UlS. > LoTer*! Compl. 165. Act Sc. Line Bickerings.... i. 1 144 ^Bitter-searchingiiL 2 811 Blood-bespotted v. 1 117 Blood-consuming iii. 2 61 Bloodshedding iv. 7 108 Blnnt-witted . . iii. 2 210 Brain-pan iv. 10 18 Breastplate.... iii. 2 232 Bricklayer... "...^I^- « ^ ' (iv. 2 1!« Bucks* iv. 2 61 *Burly-boned.. iv. 10 60 *Burying-place . iv. 10 68 Cade iv. 2 86 Cage (a lock-up) iv. 2 b6 Cathedral i. 2 87 4 i.e. dirty linen. 106 Act 8c. Line Chair-days..... v. 2 48 Crhlrping iii. 2 42 Choicely liL 1 313 Christian-Uke ) ,,, ^ ^ (atlv.) f*"- * ^ Church-like ... i, 1 247 Claret iv. 6 4 Commentaries, iv. 7 65 Contusion v. 8 3 Conventicles.. UL 1 166 C6rro8ive (sub.) iii. 2 408 *Court-hand... iv. 2 101 Cradle-bal)e.. . . iii. 2 392 Crimeless ii. 4 63 Culpable iii. 2 22 Damsons ii. 1 102 *I>ark-seated.. iii. 2 828 *I)eadly-handed v. 2 9 Act 8c Line •Dear-bought.. i. 1 252 Deathful iii. 2 404 Deep-fet. ii. 4 88 Defamed iii. l 123 Denayed (verb) i. 3 107 Despoiled ii. 3 10 Discomfit (8Ub.) v. 2 86 Dispursed ill. 1 117 *Door-nail iv. 10 43 Duchy < i. 1 60 Emblare iv. 10 76 Emmanuel iv. 2 106 Enchased i. 2 8 Encroaching . . iv. 1 96 * The plnnl occurs twice in the same scene, lines 86. 110. Digitized by Google WORDS PECULIAR TO KING HENRY VI.— PART II. Act So. Line Engirt* P- 1 ^ ^*^ ( T. 1 99 Eternized r. 8 81 Exorcisms. — L 4 6 False-heart (adj.) r. 1 148 FM-fet ia 1 208 FeU-lorlcing... v. 1 146 FetbnioQS. ia 1 129 Fifteenth' i. 1 188 First-oonceired iii. 2 44 Flagging iv. ^1 5 Frandfol Ui 1 81 Garret L 8 194 Ghastly (adr.). iii. 2 170 OobbeU 1*^- 1 ^ ( V. 2 58 GoTemance.... L 3 60 Hamper (verb) L 3 148 Hatchet iv. 7 96 Heart-offending ilL 2 60 Hiss (sub.) .... iiL 2 826 lU-nnrtoredB.. L 2 42 Leper. ill 2 76 * VeDOS and Ad. SK). 7 The pliuml fonn oceun m X/Imm. ir. 7. 94. • Venof and Ad. 1S4. AciScUne Lime-twigs.... ia 8 16 *Long-boat.... iv. 1 68 *Long-imprisoned r. 1 88 *Lord-protectorshipai 80 Mad-bred. iii. 1 864 •Marltet-day. . . ir. 2 62 Merchant-Uke. iv. 1 41 Nap (of cloth)., iv. 2 8 Office-badge... L 2 26 Ostrich iv. 10 81 Overgorged.... iv. 1 84 •Over-joy (sub.) L 1 81 Overripened. . . i. 2 1 Paper-mill .... iv. 7 41 Perish (trana). ia 2 100 Peroration.... L 1 106 Plasterer iv. 2 140 •Pointing-stock a 4 46 Premised v. 2 41 •PreUy-vanlUng iii. 2 94 Procorator . . . . i. 1 8 Propounded . i. 2 81 60 Protectorship.. ■( "J* ^ •^ (Iii. 1 121 Pulls (sub.).... a 8 41 Quadrangle.... L 8 166 Act Sc. Line Qum» L 8 4 •Baging-roadio ill. 2 894 Rampant v. 1 208 AeadUy" v. 2 88 Redound iv. 9 47 Regentshlp.... L 8 107 Reproachfully. U. 4 97 Ringleader.... a 1 170 Roast (snb.)... i. l 109 Salletis (head-piece) iv. lo 12 Say, a kind of satin iv. 7 27 Serge Iv. 7 27 Shag-haired !•.. la 1 867 ShaUow-rooted iii. 1 81 Sharp-quUled.. la 1 868 Shearman iv. 2 141 Silent (sub. >... L 4 19 Silken-coated., iv. 2 186 Sophister v. 1 191 Span-counter., iv. 2 166 •Steadfsst-gazing iv. 10 48 Steadier iv. 7 101 • UwdinspecaUarKnM. See note 60. 10 Venot and Ad. IISI. u Lucreoe. list. IS See the foot-note in text IS Some modem tdiion read tkag-kairtd instead of Map-«arMi, Macbeth, ir. 3. 8S. Act 8a Line Straiter(adv.). iii. 8 20 •Stumbling-blockB L 2 64 Subversion.... ill. 1 208 Taintnre a 1 188 Tally" (sub.)., iv. 7 89 Tear-stained... ii. 4 16 Tender-feeling a 4 9 •Three-hooped iv. 2 72 Timely-parted, ill. 2 161 Township i. 8 27 Trap (verb).... ia 1 840 Turmoiled. . . . . iv. 10 18 Two-hand (adj.) a 1 46 Unassailed . . . . v. 2 18 Unbloodied.... iiL 2 198 Uncurable.....j"«- > 286 ( v. 2 86 •Under-ground) „ , ,-. (sub.) f **• * ^^* Uneath ii. 4 8 Unhelpful iii. 1 218 Vaunts (sub.)., ia 1 60 •Well-proportioned Ui. 2 176 Ydadw i. 1 88 H Bonn, czzii. 10. ifi The modem fonn clod oocnn fire times in Shakc8|>eare. ORIGINAL EMENDATIONS ADOPTED. Note 61. 96. 100. 101. 104. 106. 107. 112. L 2. 66: Being hut a tpoman, 1 will not be ilaek. i. 4. 62-66: Buck. (Examining the written papers] True, madam, none at aU: what call you thief [Holding up a paper. York. Atpay with them ! let them be clapp'd up eloee, And kept asunder. Tou, madam, shall with u$. [To Stafford] Staford, take her to thee. [Exeunt above. William Stafford with Duchess and Hume, guarded, a 1. 26 : With SO MUCH holineu eon you NOT doUt a L 82. 83: Queen. And iky ambUian, Gloeter. King. Prithee, peace, Oood queen, and whet not on theee furious peers. a 1. 62 : Come to the kii\g; tell him what miracle. a 1.68,69: Su WHKRE the townsmen, on procession. Come to present your highness with the man, a 1. 71 : Although by sight his sin be multiplied. So Lloyd, a 1. 164: Tou made, my lord, in a day whole towns to fy. Note ua 122. 141. 164. 167. 171. 174. 179. 184. 221. 229. 267. 294. 829. ii. 2. 6 : My lord, J long to hear it told at fuJJL a 2. 28 : Father, the Duke of York hath told the truth. ii. S. 108: Oo, take YE henee that traitor from our sight. a 4. 102: It is my ojlee; madam, pardon me. iii. L 166: Myself had NOTE q^ your conventicles. So anonymous conjecture in Cambridge edn. iii. 1. 222 : Say, " Who 's a traitor, Oloster he is none. " ia 1. 848 : Were 't not all one, an empty eagle set. ill. 1. 848 : Whiles I in Ireland NURSB a mighty band. ill. 2. 26: / thank thee, LOVB. iv. 1.21, 22: 7/m lives qf those we have, lost in fight, SHALL THBY Be counterpoised with such a petty sum t iv. L 70, 71 : Cap. Yl8, Poole. Suf. Pools 1 Cap. Ay, kennel, puddle, sink; whose filth and dirt iv. 4. 48: Lord Say, Jack Cads, ths tkaitor, haUththee. iv. 9. 80: The Duke qf Somerset, whom he terms traitor. V. 1. 211: And so to arms, TO ARMS, victorious father. 107 Digitized by Google EMENDATIONS ON KING HENRY VI.— PART II. ORIGINAL EMENDATIONS SUGGESTED. Note U4. S09. a L 186, 187 : OOod! What mi$ehU/9 work the wicked cnee, thenhy Heaping on their own heads amfusioni iiL2.889: O, Let ine entreat thee cease. Qive me thy hand. 108 Not« 229. Iv. 1. eO, 70: Cap. Yes, Poole ! Suf. Poole t Poole! Sir— Cap. Aye, Lord Poole! 314. r. 1. 72 : / was THAT MAN, an 't like your majestft. 815. V. 1. 74: Alexander Iden, that's my name, mt LIEOB. So Keightley. Digitized by Google KING HENEY VI.-PAET III. NOTES* BY F. A. MARSHALL and P. Z. ROUND. * The iDtrodaction to Parte II. and III. combined, precedes Part II. Digitized by Google DRAMATIS PERSONS. King Henry the Sixth. Edward, Prince of Wales, his son. Lewis XL, King of France. Dure of Somerset. Duke of Exeter. Earl of Oxford. Earl of Northumberland. Earl of Westmoreland. Lord Clifford. Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York.^ Edward, Earl of March, afterwards] King Edward IV. Edmund, Earl of Rutland. George, afterwards Duke of Clarence. Richard, afterwards Duke of Gloucester.; Duke of Norfolk. Marquess of Montague. Earl op Warwick. Earl of Pembroke. Lord Hastings. his sons. Lord Stafford. Sir John Mortimer, ) , ^ ^u t% i *v i „ „ ,, ?• uncles to the Duke of York. Sir Hugh Mortimer, ) Henry, Earl of Richmond, a youth. Lord Rivers, brother to Lady Grey. Sir William Stanley. Sir John Montgomery Sir John Somebville Tutor to Rutland. Mayor of York. Lieutenant of the Tower. A Nobleman. Two Keepers. A Huntsman. A Lancastrian Soldier who has killed his father. A Yorkist Soldier who has killed his son. Queen Margaret. Lady Grey, afterwards Queen to Edward IV. Bona, sister to the French Queen. Soldiers, Attendants, Messengers, Watchmen, kc. Scene— During part of the third act in France; during the rest of the play in England. TIME OF ACTION. The time of this play comprises nineteen days. Day 1 : Act I. Scene 1.— Interval. Day 2: Act I. Scenes 2-4. —Interval Day 8: Act II. Scene 1.— Interval. Day 4: Act II. Scenes 2-6.— Interval. Day 5: Act III. Scene 1.— Interval. Day 6: Act III. Scene 2.— Interval. Day 7: Act III. Scene 3.— Interval. Day 8: Act IV. Scene 1*— Interval. Day 9: Act IV. Scenes 2, a— Interval. Day 10 : Act IV. Scene 4.— Interval Day 11 : Act IV. Scene 6.— Interval Day 12: Act IV. Scene C— Interval Day 13: Act IV. Scene 7.— Interval Day 14: Act TV. Scene 8.— Interval Day 15 : Act V. Scene 1.— Interval. Day 16: Act V. Scenes 2, a— Inten-al Day 17 : Act V. Scenes 4, 6.- Interval Day 18 : Act V. Scene 6. Day 19: Act V. Scene 7. The historic period here dramatized commences on the day of the battle of St. Albans, 23rd May, 1455, and ends on the day on which Henry VL's body was exposed in St Paul's, 22nd May, 1471. Queen Margaret, however, was not ransomed and sent to France till 1475. Digitized by Google RUk, Speak thou for me, and tell them what I did.-(Act i. 1. 16.) KING HENRY VI-PART III. ACT I. Scene I. London, The Parliament-house, Alarum. Yorkist soldiers break in. Then enter the Duke of York, Edward, Richard, Norfolk, Montague, Warwick, a)id others^ with white roses in their hats. War. I wonder how the king escaped our hands. York, While we pursued the horsemen of the north. He slily stole away, and left his men: Whereat the great Lord of Northumberland, Whose warlike ears could never brook re- treat. Cheered up the drooping army; and himself. Lord Clifford, and Lord Stafford, all abreast, Charg'd our main battle's* front, and, break- ing in. Were by the swords of common soldiers slain. 5 {^Edw. Lord Stafford's father, Duke of \ Buckingham, lO ;Is either slain, or wounded dangerous; 1 Battle, body of troops. I cleft his beaver* with a downright blow: Tliat this is true, father, behold his blood. [Showing his bloody sicord. Mont. [To York, shovnng /tw] And, brother, here 's the Earl of Wiltshire's blood. Whom I encounter'd as the battles join'd. Rich, Speak thou for me, and tell them what I did. [Throtoing down the Duke of Somerset's head. York. Kichard hath best deserv'd of all my sons. — ) What, is your grace dead, my loixl of Som-' erset? Norf, Such hap have all the line of John of Gaunt ! Rich. Thus do I hope to shake King Henry's head. ] 20 War, [And so do L ] Victorious Prince of York, Before I see thee seated in that throne Which now the house of Liincaster usurps, I vow by heaven these eyes shall never close. Tliis is the palace of the fearfuP king, 2 Beaver, helmet 111 » Fearful, timid Digitized by Google ACT I. Soeue 1. KING HENRY VI.-PART III. ACT I. Soroe 1. And this the regal seat: possess it, York; For this is thine, and not king Henry's heirs'. YorL Assist qae, then, sweet Warwick, and I will; For hither we have broken in by force, iVorf, We 'U all msut you; he that flies shall die. 30 York. Thanks, gentk Norfolk :— €Uy by me, my lords; — And, soldiers, stay, and lodge by me this ni|^ War, And when the king comes^ offer him no violence. Unless he seek to thrust yon out perforce. [SoieHers ifrUhdraw, York, The queen, this day, here holds her parliament, But little thinks we shall be of her council : By words or blows here let us win our right. RicL Arm'd as we are, let 's stay within this house. War. The bloody parliament shall this be call'd, Unless Plantagenet, Duke of York, be king, 40 And bashful Henry be depos'd, whose cow- ardice Hath made us by- words to our enemies. York. Then leave me not, my lords; be resolute; I mean to take possession of my rightw War. Neither the king, nor he that loves him best. The proudest he that holds up Lancaster, Dares stir a wing, if Warwick shake his bells. I'll plant Plantagenet, root him up who dares: — Resolve thee, Richard; claim the English crown. [ Warwick leads York to the throne; York seats himself. Flourish. Enter Kino Henry, Clifford, Northumberland, Westmoreland, Exe- ter, and others^ trith red roses in their hats. K. Hen. My lords, look where the sturdy rebel sits, 50 Even in the chair of state! belike he means, Back'd by the power of Warwick, that false peer, To aspire unto the crown and reign as king. — Earl of Northumberland, he slew thy father; — 112 And thine. Lord Clifford; you have both vow'd revenge 55 On him, his aona, his fiivourites, and his friends. Ncn^k If I be not, heavens be reveng'd on me! Clif. The hope thereof makes Clifford mourn in steeL WeU, What, duill we suffer this? let's plock him down: 59 My heart for aaiger bonw; I cannot brook it K. Hen, Be patient, gentle Earl of West- VkOtfAsMA., Clif. Patience is for poltroons, for sock as he : He durst not sit there, had your father liVd. My gracious lord, here in the pai'liament Let us assail the family of York. North. Well hast thou spoken, cousin: be it so. K. Hen. Ah, know you not the city favours them, And they have troops of soldiers at their beck? Exe. But when the duke is slain, they '11 quickly fly. A". Hen, Far be the thought of this from Henry's heart, 70 To make a shambles of the pai'liameut-house! Cousin of Exeter, frowns, woi-ds, and threats Shall be the war that Henry means to use. [^Advaivdng towards York, Thou factious Duke of York, descend my throne. And kneel for grace and mercy at my feet; I am thy sovereign. York, Thou'rt deceiv'd; I am thine. Exe. For shame, come down : he made thee Duke of York. York, Twas my inheritance, as the eai*l- dom was. ^Exe, Thy father was a traitor to the^ crown. ] War, Exeter, thou 'rt a traitor to the crown ^ In following this usurping Heniy.^ si ; Clif, Whom should he follow but his natural ; king? ; Tlar. True, Clifford; and that's Richard^ Duke of York.] \ 1 Henry, pronounced as a trisyllable. Digitized by Google ACTL KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT I. Some 1. K. Hen, And shall I stand, and thou sit in my throne? 84 York. It must and shall be so: content thy- self. War, Be Duke of Lancaster; let him be king. We9t, He is both king and Duke of Lan- caster; QAnd that the Lord of Westmoreland shall War, And Warwick shall disprove it You foiget That we are those which chas'd you from the field, 90 And slew your -fathers, and with colours spread March'd through the city to the palace gates. North, Yes, Warwick, I remember it to my grief; And, by his soul, thou and thy house shall rue it West. Plantagenet, of thee, and these thy sons, Thy kinsmen, and thy friends, I 'U have more lives Than drops of blood were in my father's veins. Clif. Urge it no more; lest that, instead of words, I send thee, Warwick, such a messenger As shall revenge his death before I stir, loo War, Poor Clifford 1 how I scorn his worth- less threats! 3 York, Will you^ we show our title to the crown? If not, our swords shall plead it in the field. K, Hen, What title hast thou, traitor, to the crown? Thy father was, as thou art Duke of York ; Thy grandfather, Roger Mortimer, Earl of March: I am the son of Henry* the Fifth, Who made the Dauphin and the French to stoop, And seiz'd upon their towns and provinces. War. Talk not of France, sith' thou hast lost it alL 110 K, Hen, The lord protector lost it, and not I : When I was crown'd I was but nine months old. 1 IFiK you. Is it your widi thai Htniry, proDounoed as a trisyllable. VOL. II. > i9itA, since. Rich, You're old enough now; yet, me- thinks, you lose. — lis Tear the crown, father, from the usurper's head. Edw. Sweet father, do so; set it on y6ur head. Moivt. [To York"] Good brother, as thou lov'st and honourest arms, Let 's fight it out, and not stand cavilling thus. Rich, Sound drums and trumpets, and the king will fly. York, Sons, peace! A". Hen. Peace, thou! and give King Henry leave to speak. 120 C War, Plantagenet shall speak first: hear^ him, lords; ^ And be you silent and attentive too, > For he that interrupts him shall not live. ^ K, Hen,2 Think'st thou that I will leave ^ my kingly throne. Wherein my grandsire and my father sat? No: first shall war unpeople this my realm; Ay, and their colours — often borne in France, And now in England, to our heart's great sorrow, — Shall be my winding-sheet — Why faint you, lords? My title 's good, and better far than his. iso War, But* prove it, Henry, and thou shalt be king. K, Hen, Henry the Fourth by conquest got the crown. York, T was by rebellion* against his king. K. Hen, [AgicU] I know not what to say; my title 's weak. — Tell me, may not a king adopt an heir? York. What then? K, Hen. An if he may, then am I lawful king; For Richard, in the view of many lords, Resign'd the crown to Henry* the Fourth, Whose heir my father was, and I am his. 140 York, He rose against him, being his sove- reign. And made him to resign his crown perforce. War, Suppose, my lords, he did it uncon- strain'd. Think you *t were prejudicial to his crown?* « But, only. • RthtUion, pronounced as a quadrisyllable. • To his erown, i.e. to his royal prerogative. 113 ao Digitized by Google ACT L Scene 1. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT I. Exe, No; for he could not so resign his crown 145 But that the next heir should succeed and reign. K. Hen, Art thou against us, Duke of Exeter? Exe, His is the right, and therefore pardon me. York. Why whisper you, my lords, and answer not? Exe, My conscience tells me he is lawful king. 150 K. Hen, [Aside] All will revolt frcwn me, and turn to him. Noi'th. Plantagenet, for all the claim thou lay'st, Think not that Henry shall be so depoe'd. War. Depos'd he shall be, in despite of alL North. Thou art deceiv'd: 'tis not thy south- ern power, Of Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk, nor of Kent,— Which makes thee thus presumptuous and proud, — Can set the duke up in despite of me. Clif. King Henry, be thy title right or wrong, Lord Clifford vows to fight in thy defence: leo May that ground gai)e and swallow me alive. Where I shall kneel to him that slew my father ' K, Hen, 0 Clifford, how thy words revive my heart ! York. Henry of Lancaster,re8ign thy crown. — What mutter you, or what conspire you, lords? If ar. Do right unto this princely Duke of York, Or I will till the house with armed men, And o'er the chair of state, where now he sits. Write up his title with usurping blood. [He stamps icith his foot^ and the soldiers show themselves. K, Hen. My Lord of Warwick, hear me but one word: 170 Let me for this my life-time reign as king. York. Confirm the crown to me and to mine heirs. And thou shalt reign in quiet while thou liv'st. King, I am content: Richard Plantagenet, Enjoy the kingdom after my decease. Clif, What wrong is this unto the prince your son ! 114 War, What good is this to England and himself! Wetlt, Base, fearful,^ and despairing Henry! Clif, How hast thou injur'd both thyself and us! West, I cannot stay to hear these articles. North, Nor I. i8i Clif. Come, cousin, let us tell the queen these news. West, Farewell, faint-hearted and degener- ate king. In whose cold blood no spark of honour bides. North, Be thou a prey imto the house of York, And die in bands,^ for this unmanly deed ! Clif, In dreadful war mayst thou be over- come, Or live in peace abandoned and despis'd ! \Ex€U)U Northufnberlandf Clifford^ and Westmoreland, War, Turn this way, Henry, and regard them not Exe. They seek revenge, and therefore will not yield. loa A". Hen. Ah, Exeter! War, Why should you sigh, my lord? A'. Hen, Not for myself. Lord Warwick, but my son. Whom I unnaturaUy shall disinherit But be it as it may: [To York"] I here entail The crown to thee and to thine heirs for ever; Conditionally that here thou take an oath To cease this civil war, and, whilst I live. To honour me as thy king and sovereign, And neither by treason, nor hostility. To seek to put me down, and reign thyself. 2oa York. This oath I willingly take, and will perform. [Descending from the throne. War, Long live King Henry! — Plantagenet^ embrace him. A'. Hen. And long live thou, and these thy forward sons ! York. Now York and Lancaster are recon- cU'd. Exe, Accurs'd be he that seeks to make them foes. [Sennet, The Lords come fortoard, York, Farewell, my gracious lord; I'll to my castle. 1 Femrful, i.e. cowardly. < Bmnd$, bonds, t.«. priaoii. Digitized by Google ACT L Soene 1. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT I. Boene 1. War, And I 'U keep London with my sol- diers. JTorf. And I to Norfolk with my followers. Mont. And I unto the sea from whence I came. [Exeunt York and his Sons, Warwiciry Norfolk, Montagrie, their Soldiers, and Attendants. K, Hen, And I, with grief and sorrow, to the court 210 Enter Quebv Maroarbt and the Prings or WALBa Exe, Here comes the queen, whose looks bewray* her anger: 1 11 steal away. [Going. K. Hen. So, Exeter, will I. [Going. Q.Mar. Nay, go not from me; I will follow thee. K. Hen. Be patient, gentle queen, and 1 will stay. K. Hen. OenUe md Edward, ihon wilt ttaj with m«?-(Act i. 1. 180.) / Q. Mar. Wh» can be patient^ in such ex- tremes? Ah, wretched man ! would I had died a maid, And never seen thee, never borne thee son, Seeing thou hast prov'd so unnatural a father! Hath he deserved to lose his birthright thus? Hadst thou but lov'd him half so well as I, 220 Or felt that pain which I did for him once. Or nourish'd hira, as I did with my blood. Thou wouldst have left thy dearest heart-blood there, Rather than made that savage duke thine heir. And disinherited thine only son. Prince. Father, you cannot disinherit me:# If you be king, why should not I succeed? K. Hen. Pardon me, Margaret; pardon me, sweet son: 1 Bewmy, di«ooyer. show. > Patient, here a trisyllable. The Earl of Warwick and the duke enforced me. Q. Mar. Enforced thee ! art thou king, and wilt be forc'd ? 230 I shame' to hear thee speak. Ah, timorous wretch! Thou hast undone thyself, thy son, and me; And giv*n unto the house of York such head,* As thou shalt reign but by their sufferance. T' entail him and his heirs unto the crown, What is it but to make thy sepulchre. And creep into it far before thy time? Warwick is chancellor, and the lord of Calais; Stern Falconbridge commands the narrow seas; The duke is made protector of the realm; 240 And yet shalt thou be safe? such safety finds The trembling lamb environed with wolves. Had I been there, which am a silly woman. s Shamef feel ashamed. * Head, i.e. freedom of action. 115 Digitized by Google ACT I. SoeiM 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT I. SeoM 8. The soldiers should have toss'd me on their pikes Before I would have granted to* that act But thou preferr^st thy life before thine honour: And seeing thou doet, I here divorce myself Both from thy table, Henry, and thy bed, Until that act of parliament be repealed. Whereby my son is disinherited. 250 The northern lords that have forsworn th^ colours Will follow mine, if once they see them spread; And spread they shall be, — to thy foul dis- grace. And utter ruin of the house of York. Thus do I leave thee. — Come, son, let's away; Our army *s ready; come, we '11 after them. K, Hen. Stay, gentle Margaret, and hear me speak. Q. Mar, Thou hast spoke too much already: get thee gone. K, Hen. Gentle son Edward, thou wilt stay with me? §. Mar. Ay, to be murder'd by his enemies. Prince. When I return with victory from the field, 2«i I 'U see your grace: till then I '11 follow her. Q. Mar, Come, son, away; we may not linger thus. [Exeunt Queen Margaret and the Prince. [ K. Heti. Poor queen ! how love to me, and to her son, Hath made her break out into terms of rage ! Reveng'd may she be on that hateful duke, Whose haughty spirit, winged with desire. Will coast my crown, and, like an empty eagle. Tire on* the flesh of me and of my son ! The loss of those three lords torments my heart: 270 I '11 write unto them, and entreat them fair. — Come, cousin, you shall be the messenger. Exe. And I, I hope, shall reconcile them all Exeunt.^ Scene II. Sandal. A room in the Duke of Yori^i castle. Enter Richard, Edward, and Montagub. Rich. Brother, though I be youngest, give me leave. > QranUd tosaMented to. s Tirt Cope, le. match thyself. 118 Were not revenge sufficient' for me; [ No, if I digg'd up thy forefathers' graves, > And hung their rotten coffins up in chains, / It could not slake mine ire, nor ease my/ heart] ) The sight of any of the house of York so Is as a fury to torment my soul; And till I root out their accursed line, And leave not one alive, I live in helL Therefore — [Lifting his hand, RtU, O, let me pray before I take my death! — To thee I pray; sweet Clifford, pity me! Clif, Such pity as my rapier's point affords. RtU, I never did thee harm: why wilt thou slay me ? aif Thy father hath. RxU, But 't was ere I was bom. Thou hast one son; for his sake pity me, 40 Lest in revenge thereof, — sith' God is just, — He be as miserably slain as L Ah, let me live in prison ull my days; And when I give occasion of offence. Then let me die, for now thou hast no cause. Clif, No cause! Thy father slew my father; therefore, die. [Stabs him, RtU, Difacianty latidis summa nt ista iiue/* [Dies, Clif Plantagenet! I come, Plantagenet! And this thy son's blood cleaving to my blade Shall rust upon my weapon, till thy blood, 51 Congeal'd with this, do make me wipe off both. [Kxii. Scene IV. Another part of the plain* near Sandal Caetle, Alartim, Enter Richard, Btdre of York. Fork. The army of the queen hath got the field:^ My uncles both are slain in rescuing me; And all my followers to the eager foe Turn back, and fly, like ships before the wind. Or lambs pursu'd by hunger-starved wolves. My sons, — God knows what hath bechanced them: tSufieient, proDounced as a qnadrisyUahle. s Sith^ since. * " The gods grant, that may be the sam of thy glory.' < Got the/Uld, won the day. Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 4. KING HENBY VL— PART III. ACT I. Soene 4. Bat this I know, they have demean'd them- Like men bom to renown by life or death. '[Three times did Richard make a lane^ to me, And thrice cried, ^^ Courage, father! fight it \ out!" 10 And full as oft came Edward to my side, . With purple falchion, painted to the hilt In blood of those that had encountered him. < And when the hardiest warriors did retire, 'Richard cried, "Charge! and give no foot of ground!" Edward, "A crown, or else a glorious tomb! A sceptre, or an earthly sepulchre!" ^ With this, we chaig^d again: but, out, alas! We bodged' again; as I have seen a swan With bootless labour swim against the tide, 20 And spend her strength with over-matching waves. ] [A short alarum within. Ah, hark! the fatal followers do pursue; And I am faint, and cannot fly their fury: [ And were I strong, I would not shun their fury: ] The sands are numbered that make up my life; Here must I stay, and here my life must end. EiUer Queen Margaret, Clifford, North- umberland, the Prince of Wales, and Soldiers. Come, bloody Clifford, rough Northumberland, I dare your quenchless fury to more rage: I am your butt, and I abide' your shot. SortL Yield to our mercy, proud Planta- genet. so Clif. Ay, to such mercy as his ruthless arm. With downright payment, showed unto my father. ^[Now Pha^on hath tumbled from his car. And made an evening at the noontide prick.*] York. My ashes, as the phoenix, may bring forth A bird that will revenge upon you all : [And in that hope I throw mine eyes to heaven, < Scorning whatever you can afflict me with. ] 1 Mak€ a lane, cut hit way. « Abide, await s Bodifd, failed. * Prick, te. hour. Why come you not? what! multitudes, and fear? Cli/. So cowards fight when they can fly no further; 40 [So doves do peck the falcon's piercing talons;^ So desperate thieves, all hopeless of their lives, ^ Breathe out invectives 'gainst the officers. ] < York. O Oiflford, but bethink thee once again, [ And in thy thought o'er-run my former time;^ And, if thou canst for blushing, view this fac3,]s And bite thy tongue, that slanders him with cowardice Whose frown hath made thee faint and fly ere this! Clif. I will not bandy with thee word for word. But buckle with thee blows, twice two for one. [Draicing, Q. Mar. Hold, valiant Clifford! for a thou- sand causes 5i I would prolong awhile the traitor's life. — Wrath makes him deaf: — speak thou, Nor- thumberland. North. Hold, Clifford ! do not honour him so much To prick* thy finger, though to wound his heart: [ What valour were it, when a cur doth grin, ^ For one to thrust his hand between his teeth, > When he might spurn him with his foot? away ? ] \ It is war's prize* to take all vantages; And ten to one is no impeach^ of valour, flo \They lay hands on York, who struggles. Clif. Ay, ay, so strives the woodcock with the gin.* North. So doth the cony struggle in the net. [ York is overpoioered. York. So triumph thieves upon their con- quer'd booty; So true* men yield, with robbers so o'er- match'd. North. What would your grace have done unto him now? Q. Mar. Brave warriors, Clifford and North- umberland, * To prick, ie. at to priclc f /mp«a«A= impeachment ^ Prize, prerogatire. • Oin, trap. * True, honest 119 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 4. KINO HENRY VL— PART III. ACT I. Scene 4. Come, make him stand upon thia molehill here, That raught^ at mountains with outstretched arms, Yet parted but the shadow with his hand. — What! was it you that would be England's king? 70 ' [ Was 't you that revell'd in our parliament, ^And made a preachment of your high de- j scent?] Where are your mess of sons' to back you now ? The wanton Edward, and the lusty George? And where 's that valiant crook-back prodigy, Dicky your boy, that with his grumbling voice Was wont to cheer his dad in mutinies? Or, with the rest, where is your darling Rut- land? [Look, York: I stain'd this napkin with the^ blood That valiantClifford,with his rapier's point, flo^ ^ g. Mar. Look, Toik: I lUia'd tUi nmkte with tbe Uood That Taliant CUffionl, with his imniflr's point. Made iMne from the howm of the boy.—iAot i. 4. 7»-ei.) \ Made issue from the bosom of the boy ; 81 ^ And if thine eyes can water for his death, I give thee this to dry thy cheeks withaL Alas, poor York! but that I hate thee deadly, S I should lament thy miserable state. ] I prithee, grieve, to make me merry, York T Stamp, rave, and fret, that I may sing and ) dance. \ What, hath thy fiery heart so parch'd thine ^ entrails « That not a tear can fall for Rutland's death? ] 1 Baughi, reached. s Meuofvmtt i.e. four tons. 120 Why art thou patient, man? thou shouldst be mad; 90 And I, to make thee mad, do mock thee thus. Thou wouldst be fee'd, I see, to make me sport: York cannot speak, unless he wear a crown. — A crown for York! and, lords, bow low to him: — Hold you his hands, whilst I do set it on. [Putting a paper crown an his head. Ay, marry, sir, now looks he like a king ! [Ay, this is he that took King Henry's chair, , And this is he was his adopted heir. — ( Digitized by Google ACT I. Soene 4. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT I. Scene 4. ' But how is it that great Pbintagenet < Is crown'd so soon, and broke his solemn oath? ' As I bethink me, you should not be king loi ' mi our King Henry had shook hands with ' death.] And wiU you pale * your head in Henry's glory, And rob his temples of the diadem. Now in his life, against your holy oath? O, 'tis a fault too-too unpardonable! — /Off with the crown; and, with the crown, his V head; And, whilst we breathe, take time to do him dead,' Clif, That is my office, for my father's sake. Q, Mar. Nay, stay; let's hear the orisons he makea no York, She-wolf of France, but worse than wolves of France, Whose tongue more poisons than the adder's tooth! How ill-beseeming is it in thy sex To triumph, like an Amazonian trull. Upon their woes whom fortune captivates ! ' [ [ But that thy face is, vizard-like,* unchanging, ^ Made impudent^ with use of evil deeds, {1 would assay, proud queen, to make thee ; blush. ^To tell thee whence thou cam'st, of whom de- ; riv'd, ^' Were shame enough to shame thee, wert thou ^ not shameless. 120 ;,Thy father bears the type« of King of Naples, \ Of both the Sicils and «Terusalem, ;) Yet not so wealthy as an English yeoman. / Hath that poor monarch taught thee to insult? ^It needs not, nor it boots thee not, proud / queen, / Unless the adage must be verified, — ^That beggars mounted run their horse to ; death. ] ' 'T is beauty that doth oft make women proud But, God he knows, thy share thereof is small T is virtue that doth make them most admir'd The contrary doth make thee wonder'd at : i3i 1 PtUe, endrcle. s Do him dead, pat him to deatli. * CapHvaUs, makes captire. « Vimrd-like, Uke « matk. * ImpudnU, i.€. ihameleea. * Type, badge, i.e. the omwn. Tis government^ that makes them seem divine ; The want thereof makes thee abominable: Q Thou art as opposite to every good 134- As the Antipodes are unto us, \ Or as the south to the septentrion.^ ) O tiger's heart wrapt in a woman's hide! \ How couldst thou drain the life-blood of the J child, \ To bid the father wipe his eyes withal, < And yet be seen to bear a woman's face? J 140^ Women are soft, mild, pitiful and flexible; Thou stem, obdurate, flinty, rough, remorse- less. Bidd'st thou me rage? why, now thou hast thy wish: Wouldst have me weep? why, now thou hast thy will : Q For raging wind blows up incessant showers, ^ And when the rage allays, the rain begins. J > These tears are my sweet Rutland's obsequies: And every drop cries vengeance for his death, 'Gainst thee, fell Clifford, and thee, false Frenchwoman. North. Beshrew me, but his passions move nie 80 150 That hardly can I check my eyes from tears. York. That face of his the hungry cannibals Would not have touch'd, would not have stain'd with blood: But you are more inhuman, more inexorable, O, ten times more, than tigers of Hyrcania. See, ruthless queen, a hapless father's tears: Q This cloth thou dipp'dst in blood of my sweet ( boy. And I with tears do wash the blood away. Keep thou the napkin, and go boast of diis: [Oiving hack the handkerchief. \ And if thou tell'st the heavy story right, 160> Upon my soul, the hearers will shed tears; Yea even my foes will shed fast-falling tears, And say "Alas, it was a piteous deed !" J There, take the crown, and, with the crown, my curse ; [ Taking off the paper crown. And, in thy need, such comfort come to thee As now I reap at thy too cruel hand ! — Q Hard -hearted Clifford, take me from the; world: — \ My soul to heaven, my blood upon your heads! J ', ^ Oinemmwt^ Mtf-control. • SepUntrion, north. 121 Digitized by Google ACT L Scene 4. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III ACT II. SoeM 1. North, Had he been alanghter-man to all my kin, i«9 I should not for my life bat weep with him, To see how. inly* sorrow gripes his souL Q, Mar, What, weeping- ripe,' my Lord Northumberiand ? Think but upon the wrong he did us all. And that will quickly dry thy melting tears. Clif, Here 's for my oath, here 's for my fe- ther^s death. [Stabbing him. Q. Mar, And here 's to right our gentle- hearted king. [Stabbi^ him, York, Open thy gate of mercy, gracious Godl My soul flies through these wounds to seek out thee. [Dies, Q, Mar, Off with his head, and set it on York gates; So York may overlook the town of York, iso [Flourish, Exeunt, ACT II. Q Scene L A plain near Mortimej^s Cross, ; A march. Enter Edward, Richard, and their Forces, Edw, I wonder how our princely father scap'd. Or whether he be scap'd away, or no, From Clifford's and Northumberland's pur- suit: Had he been ta'en, we should have heard the news; Had he been slain, we should have heard the news; Or had he scap'd, methinks we should have heard The happy tidings of his good escape. — suns? 5 Rich, Three glorious suns, each one a per- j feet sun; ^ Not separated with the racking* cluuds, > But sever'd in a pale clear-shining sky. ^ See, see! they join, embrace, and seem to kiss, i As if they voVd some league inviolable: so^ Now are they but one lamp, one light, one^ sun. In this the heaven figures some event. / Edw, Tis wondrous strange, the like yet^ never heard of. ^ I think it cites us, brother, to the field, — That we, the sons of brave Plantageuet, '' Each one already blazing by our meeds,' ' Should, notwithstanding, join our lights to- ; gether, <; And over-shine the earth, as this the world. '' Wliate'er it bodes, henceforward will I bear ^ Upcm my target three fair-shining suns. 40; Rich. Nay, bear three daughters: — by your^ leave I speak it, ^ You love the breeder better than the male. ^ Enter a Messenger. > But what art thou, whose heavy looks fore- J tell Some dreadful stoiy hanging on thy tongue? } 7 Daule mine eyee, Le.ttrt mine eyes dazzled t * Racking, drifting. * Mesde, meriU. Digitized by Google ACTIL KING HENBY VL— PART UI. ACT II. Scene 1. I Mess, Ah, one that was a woeful looker-on : Whenaa the noble Duke of York waa slain, < Your princely father and my loving lord ! ^' Edw, O, speak no more ! for I have heard ^ too mudu ^ RicL Say how he died, lor I will hear it all. ^ Mest. Environed he was with many foes; M ^And dtood against them as the hope of Troy Against the Greeks that would have entered Troy. 52 But Hercules himself must yield to odds; And many strokes, though with a little axe, Hew down and fell the hardest-timber'd oak. By many hands your father was subdu'd; But only slaughtered by the ireful arm Of unrelenting Clifford and the queen, Mm$. Ah, om that wu a woefal looker-oo Whenaa the noble Dnke of York waa ilain, Yoor princely father and my loving lord !- Edw, O Warwick, Warwick! that Plan- ^ tagenet, J Which held thee dearly as his soul's redemp- !' tion, $Is by the stem Lord Clifford done to death. / War, Ten days ago I drown'd these news \ in tears; 1 Firet, pronounced m • dlMylUble. 124 « Fare, cheer. And now, to add more measure to your woes, I come to tell you things sith' then befall'n. After the bloody fray at Wakefield fought. Where your brave father breath'd his latest gasp, Tidings, as swiftly as the poets could run. Were brought me of your loss and his de- part* 110 I, then in London, keeper of the king, Muster'd my soldiers, gathered flocks of friends. And very well appointed, as I thought, March'd toward Saint Alban's t' intercept the queen. Bearing the king in my behalf along; For by my scouts I was advertised ^ That she was coming with a full intent To dash our late decree in parliament Touching King Henry's oatii and your succes- sion. 119 Short tale to make, — we at Saint Alban's met, Our battles join'd, and both sides fiercely fought: But whether 't was the coldness of the king. Who look'd full gently on his warlike queen, That robb'd my soldiers of their heated spleen;* Or whether 'twas report of her success; Or more than common fear of Clifford's rigour^ Who thunders to his captives, "Blood and death," I cannot judge: but, to conclude with truth, Their weapons like to lightning came and went; Our soldiers' — like the night-owl's kzy flight, Or like an idle thrasher with a flail — isi Fell gently down, as if they struck their friends. I cheer'd them up with justice of our cause, With promise of high pay and great rewards: But all in vain; they had no heart to fight, And we, in them, no hope to win the day; So that we fled; the king unto the queen; Lord Geoi^ge your brother, Norfolk, and my- self, In haste, poet-liaste, are come to join with you; s aUk^ aince. * Advertited^ informed. « Depart, deceaie. • Spleen, ie. rehemence. Digitized by Google ACT IL SeoM 1. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT II. Scene 1. ^For in the marches^ here we heard you were, < Making another head' to fight again. 141 ^ Edw. Where is the Duke of Norfolk, gentle \ Warwick? And when came Creorge from Burgundy to England? War, Some six miles off the duke is with his power; And for' your brother, he was lately sent From your kind aunt, Duchess of Burgundy, With aid of soldiers to this needful^ war. RicL Twas odds, belike, when valiant Warwick fled: Oft have I heard his praises in pursuit. But ne'er till now his scandal of retire.^ 150 War. Nor now my scandal, Richard, dost thou hear; For thou shalt know this strong right hand of mine Can pluck the diadem from faint Henry's head. And wring the awful scepti*e from his fist, Were he as famous and as bold in war As he is fam'd for mildness, peace, and prayer. RicIl I know it well. Lord Warwick; blame me not: T is love I bear thy glories makes me speak. But in this troublous time what 's to be done? Shah we go throw away our coats of steel, 160 And wrap our bodies in black mourning- gowns, Numb'ring our Ave-Maries with our beads? Or shall we on the helmets of our foes Tell our devotion with revengeful arms? If for the last, say "Ay," and to it, lords. War. Why, therefore Warwick came to seek you out; And therefore comes my brother Montague. Attend me, lords. The proud insulting queen. With Clifford and the haught* Northumber- land, 169 And of their feather many moe^ proud birds. Have wrought the easy-melting king like wax. He swore consent to your succession. His oath enrolled in the parliament; > Ths mareket, the Welsh borders. * Making another head, gmthering another force, s For, M for. * Neeef/ul, i.e. costly. < Hoard kd ooandal qf rttin, heard him reproached with having retreated. • Haughtt haugh^. 7 Jfoe, more. And now to London all the crew are gone, '^ To frustrate both his oath, and what beside ^ May make against the house of Lancaster. '( Their power, I think, is thirty thousand strong: ^ Now, if the help of Norfolk and myself, / With all the friends that thou, brave Earl of ; March, 17» ; Amongst the loving Welshmen canst procure, ] Will but amount to five-and-twenty thousand, ; Why, Via/ to London will we march amain; ; And once again bestride our foaming steeds. And once again cry, "Charge! upon our foes !" But never once again turn back and fly. ; Rich. Ay, now methinks I hear great War- ; wick speak: ^ Ne'er may he live to see a sunshine day, } That cries, "Retire," if Warwick bid him stay.® I Edw. Lord Warwick, on thy shoulder will ! I lean; ; And when thou fail'st, — ^as God forbid the; hour! — 190; Must Edward fall, which peril heaven for-; fend!» ^ War. No longer Earl of March, but Duke > of York: j The next d^ree^^ is England's royal throne; ^ For King of England shalt thou be prodaim'd / In every borough as we pass along; And he that throws not up his cap for joy, ( Shall for the fault make forfeit of his head. ^ King Edward, — valiant Richard, — Monta- ; gwe,— I Stay we no longer, dreaming of renown, 199^; But sound the trumpets, and about our task, i Rich. Then, Clifford, were thy heart as hard; as steel, — ? As thou hast shown it flinty by thy deeds, — ; I come to pierce it, or to give thee mine. / Edw. Then strike up drums: — Gkxi and^ Saint George for us! ^ Enter a Me$$enger. War. How now! what news? Mess. The Duke of Norfolk sends you word by me ^ The queen is coming with a puissant ^^ host, ;, And craves your company for speedy counsel i • Stay, stand his ground. !• DeffToe, step. 125 » Forfand, avert 11 PuismuU, mighty Digitized by Google ACT II. Soene 2. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT II. Seme i. < War, Why, then it sorts,^ brave warriore: < let 's away. [Exeunt, ] Scene IL Before the gates of York, FlourisL EiUer Kino Henry, Queen Mar- garet, the Prince op Wales, Clifford, and Northumberland, with Forces, Q. Mar. Welcome, my lord, to this brave town of York. Yonder 's the head of that arch-enemy That sought to beencompass'd with your crown: Doth not the object cheer your heart, my lord? K, Hen. Ay, as the rocks cheer them that fear their wreck: — To see this sight, it irks' my very soul. — Withhold revenge, dear Grod! 'tis not my fault. Nor wittingly' have I infringed my vow. Clif, My gracious liege, this too much lenity And harmful pity must be laid aside. 10 To whom do lions cast their gentle looks? Not to the beast that would usurp their den. J [Whose hand is that the forest bear doth lick ? :^ Not his that spoils* her young before her face. ' Who scapes the lurking serpent's mortal sting? ^ Not he that sets his foot upon her back. ^^ The smallest worm will turn, being trodden on, 'And doves will peck in safeguard of tlieir / brood.] Ambitious York did level ^ at thy crown, 19 Thou smiling while he knit his angry brows: He, but a duke, would have his son a king, And raise his issue, like a loving sire; Thou, being a king, bless'd with a goodly son, Didst yield consent to disinherit him, Which argu'd thee a most unloving father. Q Unreasonable • creatures feed their young; ^And though man's face be fearful to their i eyes, < Yet, in protection of their tender ones, ^Who hath not seen them, even with those i wings 5 Which sometime they have us'd in fearfuF ] flight, so 1 Sorts, softs, is well * Irk$, vexei. • Wittingly t designed! j. * Spoilt, despoils her of. * Lsvel, aim. * UnrtatonabU, imtional, brute. ' Fearful, timorous. 126 Make war with him that dimb'd unto their nest, 81' Offering their own lives in their young's de- ' fence? For shame, my Hege, nmke them your preoe-' dent! ] Were it not pity that this goodly boy Should lose his birthright by his father's fault, And long hereafter say unto his child, "What my great-grandfather and grandsire got My careless father fondly® gave awa}^"? Ah, what a shame were this! Look on the boy; And let his manly face, which promiseth 40 Successful fortune, steel thy melting heart To hold thine own, and leave thine own with him. K, Hen, Full well hath Qiffoi^ pky'd the orator. Inferring* arguments of mighty force. But, Clifford, tell me, didst thou never hear That things ill-got had ever bad success?*® [And happy always was it for that son ( Whose father for his hoarding went to hell?]- I 'U leave my son my virtuous deeds behind; And would my father had left me no morel For all the rest is held at such a rate 5i As brings a thousand-fold more care to keep Than in possession any jot erf pleasure. — Ah, cousin York! would thy best friends did know How it doth grieve me that thy head is here I Q. Mar. My lord, cheer up your spirits: our foes are nigh. And this soft courage" makes your followers faint You promis'd knighthood to our forward son: Unsheathe your sword, and dub him pre- sently."— Edward, kneel down. 60 A'. Hen, Edward ^lantagenet, arise a knight; And learn this lesson,— draw thy sword in right. Prince. My gracious father, by your kingly leave, I '11 draw it as apparent" to the crown. And in that quarrel use it to the death. » Fondly, foolishlj. » Inferring, adducing. 10 Sueceet, issue, luck, i^ Sqt^ courage, mild dispodtton. " PretenUy, at once. >• Apparent, i,e, heir appiureni Digitized by Google ACT IL SniM 2. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT II. Soeue 2. CUf. Why, that is spoken like a toward ^ prince. 60 Enter a Messenger. Mess, Royal commanders, be in readiness: For with a band of thirty thousand men Comes Warwick, backing of the Duke of York; And in the towns, as they do march along, 70 Proclaims him king, and many fly to him: Dan^aign your battle,' for they are at hand. Clif, I would your highness would depart the field: The queen hath be 3tsucc3ss when you areabsent. ^. Mar, Ay, good my lord, and leave us to our fortune. K. lien. Why, that's my fortune too; there- fore I '11 stay. North. Be it with resolution, then, to fight Prince, My royal father, cheer these noble lords. And hearten those that fight in your defence: Unsheathe your sword, good father; cry, '* Saint George!" so March. Enter Edward, George, Richard, Warwick, Norfolk, Montague, and Sol- diers. Eclic. Now, perjur'd Henry! wilt thou kneel for grace, And set thy diadem upon my head; Or bide the mortal fortune of the field ?3 Q. Mar. Go, rate thy minions, proud insult- ing boy! Becomes it thee to be thus bold in terms Before thy sovereign and thy lawful king? Edw. I am his king, and he should bow his knee; I was adopted heir by his consent: Since when, his oath is broke; for, as I hear, You, that are king, though he do wear the crown, 00 Have caus'd him, by new act of parliament. To blot out me, and put his own son in. Clif, And reason too: Who should succeed the father but the son? 1 Toward, forward, apt * Darraign pour battle, marshal your troopa. * Bide the mertal fortwu q^ the field, await tha deadly buaid of batik. Rich. Are you there, butcher? — O, I cannot speak! 95. Clif. Ay, crook-back, here I stand to an- swer thee, Or any he* the proudest of thy sort* Rich. T was you that kill'd young Rutland,. was it not? Clif. Ay, and old York, and yet not satis- fied. Rich, For God's sake, lords, give signal to the fight 100 War. What say'st thou, Henry, wilt thou yield the crown? Q. Mar. Why, how now, long-tongu'd War- wick! dare you speak ? When you and I met at Saint Alban's last. Your legs did better service than your hands. }yar. Then 't was my turn to fly, and now 't is thine. Clif. You said so much before, and yet you fled. War. T was not your valgur, Cliflford, drove me thence. North. No, nor your manhood that durst make you stay. Rich. Northumberland, I hold thee rever- ently.* Break off the parle; for scarce I can refrain The execution of my big-swoln heart 111 Upon that Clifford, that cruel child-killer. Clif. I slew thy father, — call'st thou him a chUd? Rich. Ay, like a dastard and a treacherous, coward. As thou didst kill our tender brother Rut- land; But ere sun set I Ml make thee curse the deed. K, Hoi. Have done with words, my lords,. and hear me speak. Q, Mar, Defy them, then, or else hold close thy lips. A' Hen, I prithee, give no limits to my tongue: I am a king, and privileged to speak. 120 Clif. My liege, the wound that bred this, meeting here Cannot be cur'd by words; therefore be stilL * He=zmwL < Sort, set, faction. * / hold thee reverently, i,e. 1 have reapect for yoiL (though not lor these others^ 127 Digitized by Google ACT II. 80006 2. KING HENRY VI.— PART IIL ACT IL Soene 8. Rich, Then, executioner, unaheathe thy sword: 123 By him that made us all, I am resolved ^ That Clifford's manhood lies upon his tongue. ^ Edw, [ Say, Henry, shall I have my right, ; or no? ^A thousand men have broke their fasts to- \ ^7 'That ne'er shall dine imless thou yield the / crown. ^ War, If thou deny, their blood upon thy { head! ( For York in justice puts his armour on. lao Prince, If that be right which Warwick ^ says is right, <; There is no wrong, but every thing is right. { RicL Whoever got thee, there thy mother < stands; \ For, well I wot, thou hast thy mother's tongue. \ Q, Mar, But thou art neither like thy sire \ nor dam; )But like a foul mis-shapen stfgmatic,' ^ Mark'd by the Destinies to be avoided, ^As venom toads, or lizards' dreadful stings. ] Rich, Iron of Naples hid with English gilt, /Whose father bears the title of a king, — 140 ^ As if a channel' should be call'd the sea, — iSham'st thou not,^ knowing whence thou art ) extraught,* >To let thy tongue detect* thy base -bom \ heart? > Edw, A wisp of straw were worth a thou- ) sand crowns, > To make this shameless callet^ know herself. — { Helen of Greece was fairer far than thou, / Although thy husband may be Menelaus; / And ne'er was Agamemnon's brother wrong'd ? By that false woman as this king by thee. / His father revell'd in the heart of France, 150 ^ And tam'd the king, and made the dauphin f stoop; ^ And had he match'd according to his state, ^He might have kept that glory to this day; ^ But when he took a beggar to his bed, (And grac'd thy poor sire with his bridal-day, 1 Rewlv'd, convinced. > Stifpnatic, one marked (by def ormityX s Channtlt gutter. * Sham'H thou not^ut thoa not Mharaed. * Whenoe thou art extraught, of what parentage tlmu art • Detect, betray. ' CaUet, strumpet 128 Even then that sunshine brew'd a shower for> him, 166 > That wash'd his father's fortunes forth of> France, And heap'd sedition on his crown at home. For what hath broach'd^ this tumult but thy pride? Hadst thou been meek, our title still had slept; 100 ; And we, in pity of the gentle king, Had slipp'd' our claim until another age. ^ Geo, But when we saw our smishine made ^ thy spring, ; And that thy summer bred us no increase, , We set the axe to thy usurping root; ' And though the edge hath something hit our- ; selves. Yet, know thou, since we have begun to> strike. Well never leave *^ till we have hewn thee) down, Or bath'd thy growing with our heated bloods. ', Edw. And, in this resolution, I defy thee; Not willing any longer conference, ] i7i Since thou deniest ^^ the gentle king to speak. — Sound trumpets ! — let our bloody colours wave I — And either victory, or else a grave. Q, Mar, Stay, Edward. Edw, No, wrangling woman, we 11 no longer stay: These words will cost ten thousand lives this day. [Exeunt, [ Scene III. A fidd of battle between Towton ^ and Saxton, ^ I Alarums: excursioM, Enter Warwick. < War, Forspent" with toil, as runners with< a race, > I lay me down a little while to breathe; i [Seats himself, ) For strokes receiVd, and many blows repaid, / Have robb'd my strong-knit sinews of their? strength, ? And, spite of spite, needs must I rest awhile, i 8 Broaeh'd, le, let looee. » SUpp'd, let pan. " Deniest, forbiddeit 10 Leave, ceaae, rest M Forepent, worn out Digitized by Google ACT II. Scene 3. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT II. Scene 4. ^ EfUer Edward, running. !Edw, Smile, gentle heaven 1 or strike, un- gentle death! For this world frowns, and Edward's sun is ; clouded. > War. [Risifig] How now, my lord! what ? hap?* what hope of good? ( Enter George. \ Geo, Our hap is loss, our hope but sad de- spair; Our ranks are broke, and ruin follows us: lo What counsel give you? whither shall we fly? Edw. Bootless is flight, — they follow us with wings; (. And weak we are, and cannot shun pursuit. ( ( Enter Richard. j; Rich. Ah, Warwick, why hast thou with- ^ drawn thyself? ^Thy brother's blood the thirsty earth hath ^ drunk, ^Broach'd' with the steely point of Clifford's [ lance; ; And, in the very pangs of death, he cried, \ Like to a dismal clangor heard from far, ^"Warwick, revenge! brother, revenge my J death!" ; So, underneath the belly of their steeds, 20 (Thsit stain'd their fetlocks in his smoking \ blood, f The noble gentleman gave up the ghost ^ War. Then let the earth be drunken with / our blood: 1 1 11 kill my horse, because I will not fly. \ Why stand we like soft-hearted women here, ^Wailing our losses, whiles the foe doth rage; ( And look upon,' as if the tragedy Were play'd in jest by counterfeiting actors? ' Here on my knee I vow to God above, ( I '11 never pause again, never stand still, so J Till either death hath clos'd these eyes of mine, Or fortune given me measure of revenge. Edw. O Warwick, I do bend my knee with thine; I Hap, fortune. s Broaeh*dt thed s Look upon, look on. VOL. IL And in this vow do chain my soul to thine! — J And, ere my knee rise from the earth's cold > face, 85 i I throw my hands, mine eyes, my heart to . thee, / Thou setter-up and plucker-down of kings, i Beseeching thee, if with thy will it stands^ > That to my foes this body must be prey, / Yet that thy brazen gates of heaven may ope, 40 And give sweet passage to my sinful soul I — [Risififf] Now, lords, take leave until we meet again. Where'er it be, in heaven or in earth. Rich. Brother, give me thy hand; — and, gentle Warwick, J Let me embrace thee in my weary arms: ^ I, that did never weep, now melt with woe ] That winter should cut off our spring-time so. ' War. Away, a-way! Once more, sweet' lords, farewell. ^ Geo. Yet let us all together to our troops, ' And give them leave to fly that will not^ stay:* 50^ And call them pillars that will stand to us: And, if we thrive, promise them such rewards ; As victors wear at the Olympian games: ) This may plant courage in their quailing/ breasts; / For yet is hope of life and victory. — Forslow** no longer, make we hence amain. [Exeunt.'2 ( Scene IV. A nother part of the fidd. Ejccursions. Enter Richard and Clifford from opposite sides. Rich, Now, Clifford, I'^ve singled thee alone: Suppose this arm is for the Duke of York, And this for Rutland; both bound to revenge, Wert thou environ'd with a brazen wall Clif. Now, Richard, I am with thee here alone: This is the hand that stabb'd thy father York; And this the hand that slew thy brother Rutland ; * If with thy wiU it utands, if it is according to thy will. * Stay, ue. stand their ground. * Forslow, delay. 129 81 Digitized by Google ACT II. Soene 4. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT II. Seem 5. And here 's the heart that triumphB in their deaths, 8 And cheers these hands that slew thy sire and brother, ( y Itifk, Mow, CUflbrd, I haT6 dngled thee aloocHAct U. 4. L) 10 To execute the like upon thyself ; And so, have at thee ! [They fight, Warwick enters; Clifford flies. 130 Rich, Nay, Warwick, single out some other chase; 12 For I myself will hunt this wolf to death. [Ejseunt. Scene V. Another pari of the fidd. Alarums, Enter KiKO Hbnrt. K. Hen, This battle fares like to the morn- ing's war, When dying clouds contend with growing light, What time the shepherd, blowing of his nails, Can neither call it perfect day nor night Now sways it this way, like a mighty sea Forc'd by the tide to combat with the wind; Now sways it that way, like the selfsame sea Forc'd to retire by fury of the wind: Sometime the flood prevails, and then the wind; Now one the better, then another best; 10 Both tugging to be victors, breast to breast. Yet neither conqueror nor conquered: So is the equal poise of this felP war. Here on this molehill will I sit me down. To whom God will, there be the victory I For Margaret my queen, and Cliiford too. Have chid me from the battle; swearing both They prosper best of all when I am thence. Would I were dead ! if God's good will were so; 19 For what is in this world but grief and woe? O God ! methinks it were a happy life. To be no better than a homely swain; To sit upon a hill, as I do now, To carve out dials quaintly,' point by point, Thereby to see the minutes how they run, — How many make the hour' full complete; How many hours bring about the day; How many days will finish up the year; How many years a mortal man may live. [When tJiis is known, then to divide the' times, — 80^ So many hours must I tend my flock; > So many hours must I take my rest; > So many hours must I contemplate; ^ I Fell, fierce. « Quaintly^ cunningly, nrtfully. s Hour, pronounced as a dissyllable throughout this passage. Digitized by Google ACT II. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT II. Soane &. So many hours mnflt I sport myself ; S4 So many days my ewes have been with young; So many weeks ere the poor fools will ean;^ So many years ere I shall shear the fleece : So minutes, hours, days, weeks, months, and years, Piass'd over to the end they were created, Would bring white hairs unto a quiet grave.^ Ah, what a life were this! how sweet! how lovely! 4i Gives not the hawthorn bush a sweeter shade To shepherds looking on their silly' sheep, Than doth a rich-embroider'd canopy To kings that fear their subjects' treachery? ;[|0, yes, it doth; a thousand-fold it doth. ^And to conclude, — the shepherd's homely curds, , His cold thin drink' out of his leather bottle, . His wonted sleep under a fresh tree's shade. All which secure* and sweetly he enjoys, 50 Is far beyond a prince's delicates, His viands sparkling in a golden cup. His body couched in a curious* bed. When care, mistrust, and treason wait on . him.] AlaruiTis. Enter a Lancattnan Soldier, hritiging in a dead body. L, SoL 111 blows the wind that profits nobody. This man, whom hand to hand I slew in fight. May be possessed with* some store of crowns; And I, tiiat haply ^ take them from him now, Alay yet ere night yield both my life and them I'o some man else, as this dead man doth me. — 60 Who 's this? — O God! it is my father's face. Whom in this conflict I unwares have kill'd. O heavy® times, begetting such events! From London by the king was I press'd forth; My father, being the Earl of Warwick's man. Came on the part of York, press'd by his master; And I, who at his hands receiv'd my life, Have by my hands of life bereaved him. — 1 Ban, bring forth young. ' SUly, simple, harmless. * Thin drink, small beer. * Secure, without care. * CuriouM, elegant, handsome. * Poeeemed with, possessed of. Y Haply, by chance. • Ueacp, grierous. Pardon me, God, I knew not what I did! — And pardon, father, for I knew not thee! — My tears shall wipe away these bloody marks; And no more words till they have flow'd their fill 72 A". Hen, O piteous spectacle! O bloody times! Whiles lions war and battle for their dens. Poor harmless lambs abide ^ their enmity.— r.&rf. It ii mii.e only wm !H Ad ti. B. n.) Weep, wretched man, I'll aid thee tear for tear; And let our hearts and eyes, like civil war. Be blind with tears, and break o'ercharg'd with grief. » Abide, snffer for. 131 Digitized by Google ACT II. Scene 5. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT II. Scene 6. Enter on the other side a Yorkist Soldier, bringing in a dead body, Y, Sol, Thou that so stoutly hast resisted me, Give me thy gold, if thou hast any gold; so For I have bought it with an hundred blows. — But let me see: is this our foeman's face? Ah, no, no, no, it is mine only son ! Ah, boy, if any life be left in thee, Throw up thine eye I see, see what showers arise, Blown with the windy tempest of my heart, Upon thy wounds, that kill mine eye and heart! — O, pity, God, this miserable age! — What stratagems,^ how fell,* how butcherly. Erroneous, mutinous, and unnatural, 90 This deadly quarrel daily doth beget! )[ O boy, thy father gave thee life too soon, > And hath bereft thee of thy life too late! ] K, Hen, Woe above woe! grief more than common grief! O that my death would stay these ruthful deeds ! — O, pity, pity, gentle heaven, pity ! — The red rose and the white are on his face, The fatal colours of our striving houses: ^ [The one his purple blood right well resembles ; sThe other his pale cheek, methinks, present- ) eth:'] 100 Wither one rose, and let the other flourish; If you contend, a thousand lives must wither. Z. Sol, How will my mother for a father's death Take on with me,^ and ne'er be satisfied ! Y, Sol. How will my wife for slaughter of my son Shed seas of tears, and ne'er be satisfied ! K, Hen, How will the country for these woeful chances Misthink^ the king, and not be satisfied ! L, Sol. Was ever son so ru'd a father's death? F. Sol, Was ever father so bemoan'd his son? K. Hen. Was ever king so griev'd for sub- jects' woe? Ill Much is your sorrow; mine ten times so much. 1 Stratoffemi, fttrocitiet. > />ett, crueL • PretenUth, represeuU. * Take on wUh me, le.be violently angry with roe. « Miithinkt i.e. misjudge. 132 L. yol. I'll bear thee hence, where I may weep my fill [Exit with the body. Y. Sol. These arms of mine shall be thy winding-sheet; My heart, sweet boy, shall be thy sepulchre,?— For from my heart thine image ne'er shall go; Q My sighing breast shall be thy funeral bell; > And so obsequious^ will thy father be. E'en for the loss of thee, having no more. As Priam was for all his valiant sons. ^ 120 I '11 bear thee hence ; and let them fight that will. For I have murder'd where I should not kill. [Eant with the body. K. Hen. Sad-hearted men, much overgone' with care. Here sits a king more woeful than you are. Alarums: excursions. jBw/ctQueen Maroarbt, Prince of Wales, and Exeter. Prince. Fly, father, fly! for all your friends are fled. And Warwick rages like a chafed bull: Away! for death doth hold us in pursuit Q. Mar. Mount you, my lord; towards Berwick post amain: Edward and Richard, like a brace of grey- hounds Having the fearful flying hare in sight, 130 With fiei7 eyes sparkling for very wrath. And bloody steel grasp'd in their ireful hands, Are at our backs; and therefore hence amain. Exe. Away! for vengeance comes along with them: Nay, stay not to expostulate, — make speed; Or else come after: I '11 away before. K. Hen. Nay, take me with thee, good sweet Exeter: Not that I fear to stay, but love to go Whither the queen intends. Forward; away! [Exeunt, Scene VL A nother part of the fidd. A loud alarum. Enter Clifford, wounded. Clif. Here bums my candle out, — ay, here it dies. * So obeequioua, i.e. as great a mouraer. ' Overgone, overcome. Digitized by Google ACT II. Soene 6. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT II. Scene 6. Which, whiles it lasted, gave King Henry light 2 O Lancaster, I fear thy overthrow More than my body's parting with my soul! iZMy love and fear glu'd many friends to thee; j And, now I fall, that tough commixture^ melts, impairing Henry, strengthening misproud^ i York.] The common people swarm like summer flies; And whither fly the gnats but to the sun? 9 And who shines now but Henr/s enemies? [ O Phoebus, hadst thou never given consent That Pha^thon should check thy fiery steeds, \ Thy burning car never had scorch'd the earth! ^ And, Henry, hadst thou swa/d^ as kings ^ should do. Or as thy father and his father did. Giving no ground unto the house of York, I and ten thousand in this luckless realm Had left no mourning widows for our deaths; ^ CUf. Come. York and Richard, Warwick and the reatHAct ii. 6. K.) ;And thou this day hadst kept thy chair ^ in } peace. 19 For what doth cherish weeds but gentle air? And what makes robbers bold but too much lenity?—] Bootless are plaints, and cureless are my wounds; No way to fly, nor strength to hold out flight: The foe is merciless, and will not pity; QFor at their hands I have deserved no pity. '.The air hath got into my deadly wounds, 1 Commixture, Le. alliance, coalilion. s Migproud, wrongly proud. s Steay'd, raled. * Chair, throne And much effuse* of blood doth make me; faint — ] 27^ Come, York and Richard, Warwick and the rest; I stabb'd your father's bosoms, — split my breast. [Faints. Alarum and retreat. Enter Edward, George, Richard, Montague, Warwick, and Soldiers. Edvj. Now breathe we, lords: good fortune bids us pause, so A EffuM, x.e. loss. 133 Digitized by Google ACT II. Scene «. KING HENRY VL^PART IIL ACT II. 8eeM C And smooth the frowns of war with peaceful looks. — 81 ^[Some troops pursaethe bloody-minded queen, Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 1. KING HENBY VT.— PART III. ACT III. Soene 2. K, Hen, [Where did you dwell when I was King of England? 74 Sec Keep, Here in this country, where we now remain. K, Hen. I was anointed king at nine mouths old; My father and my grandfather were kings; And you were sworn true subjects unto me: And tell me, then, have you not broke your oaths? j Fira Keep. No; so ( For we were subjects but while you were king. ? K. Hen, Why, am I dead ? do I not breathe < a man?] Ah, simple men, you know not what you swear ! Look, as I blow this feather from my face, And as the air blows it to me again, ^Q Obeying with my wind when I do blow, /And yielding to another when it blows. Commanded always by the greater gust;] Such is the lightness of you common men. 89 But do not break your oaths; for of that sin My mild entreaty shall not make you guilty. Go where you will, the king shall be com- manded; And be you kings; command, and 1 11 obey. / [ First Keep. We are true subjects to the } king. King Edward. f K. Hen. So would you be again to Henry,* If he were seated as King Edward ia ] First Keep. We charge you, in God's name, and in the king's. To go with us unto the officers. K, Hen, In God's name, lead; your king's name be obe^d : And what God will, that let your king per- form; 100 And what he will, I humbly yield unto. [Exeunt, Scene II. London, A room in the palace. Enter Kinq Edward, Gloster, Clarence, and Lady Grey. K, Edw, Brother of Gloster, at Saint Alban's field This lady's husband, Sir John Grey, was slain. His lands then seiz'd on by the conqueror: 1 Henry, pronounced as a trisyllable. Her suit is now to repossess those lands; Which we in justice cannot well deny, Because in quarrel of the house of York The worthy gentleman did lose his life. Olo, Your highness shall do well to grant her suit; It were dishonour to deny it her. K, Edw, It were no less; but yet 1 11 make a pause. lo GU). [Aside to Clar.'] Yea, is it so? I see the lady hath a thing to grant. Before the king will gfant her humble suit Clar, [Aside to Qlo."] He knows the game: how true he keeps the wind ! Glo. [Aside to Clar."] Silence ! K. Edw. Widow, we will consider of your suit; And come some other time to know our mind. L. Grey. Right gi'acious lord, I cannot brook delay: May't please your highness to resolve me^ now; And what your pleasure is shall satisfy me. 20 Glo. [Aside"] Ay, widow? then I '11 warrant you all your lands, An if what pleases him shall pleasure you. Q Fight closer, or, good faith, you'll catch a^ blow. Clar. [Aside to Glo.] I fear her not, unless she chance to fall Glo. [Aside to Clar,] God forbid that! for; he 'U take vantages. ] i K, Edw. How many children hast thou, widow? tell me. [ Clar, [Aside to Glo.] I think he means to ; beg a child of her. ^ Glo. [Aside to Gar,] Nay, whip me, then; ^ he '11 rather give her two. ] ;! L. Grey. Three, my most gracious lord. . \Jjlo. [Aside] You shall have foiu", if you 11^ be rul'd by him. ] sO; K, Edw, 'T were pity they should lose their father's lands. L, Grey. Be pitiful, dread lord, and grant it, then. K. Edw. Lords, give us leave i^ I '11 try this widow's wit. s Re$olve me, give me an answer. * Give us leave, i.e. leave us. 137 Digitized by Google ACT III. Soeoe 2. KINO HENRY VL— PART III. ACT IIL 8onw 2. Olo, [Aside] Ay, good leave have you; for you will have leave, 84 Till youth take leave, and leave you to the crutch. [Retires with Clarence, K. Edw, Now tell me, madam, do you love your children I L, Orey, Ay, full as dearly as I love myself. K, Edw, Ajid would you not do much to do them good? L. Grey, To do them good, I would sustain some harm. K, Edw, Then get y6ur husband's lands, to do them good. 40 •//. Grey, Therefore I came unto your majesty. K, Edw, I '11 tell you how these lands are to be got L. Grey, So shall you bind me to your highness' service. A'. Edw. What service wilt thou do me, if I give them ? L. Grey, What you command, that rests in me to do. K, Edw, But you will take exceptions to my boon. L. Grey, No, gracious lord, except I cannot do it K. Edw, Ay, but thou canst do what I mean to ask. L. Grey, Why, then I will do what your grace commands. Glo, [Aside to Clar,'] He plies her hard; and much rain wears the marble. 50 {^Clar, [Aside to Glo.'] As red as fire! nay, then her wax must melt] L. Grey, Why stops my lord? shall I not hear my task ? K. Edw. An easy task; 'tis but to love a king. L, Grey. That 's soon perform'd, because I am a subject K. Edw. Why, then, thy husband's lands I freely give thee. L. Grey. I take my leave with many thou- sand thanks. Glo. [Aside to Clar.] The match is made ; she seals it with a curt'sy. K. Edw. But stay thee, — 't is the fruits of love I mean. L. Grey, The fruits of love I mean, my lov- ing liege. 138 K, Edw, Ay, but, I fear me, in another sense. 6o What love, thinVst thou, I sue so much to get? L, Grey, My love till death, my humble thanks, my prayers; That love which virtue begs, and virtue grants. K, Edw. No, by my trodi, I did not mean such love. Z. Grey. Why, then you mean not as I thought you did. K, Edw, But now you partiy may perceive my mind. L, Grey, My mind will never grant what I perceive Your highness aims at, if I aim^ aright K. Edw, To tell thee plain, I aim to lie with thee. L. Grey, To tell you plain, I had rather lie in prison. 70 A'. Edw. Why, then thou shalt not have i^j husband's lands. L, Grey. Why, then mine honesty* shall be my dower; For by that loss I will not purchase them. K. Edw. Therein thou wrongest thy chil- dren mightily. L. Grey. Herein your highness wrongs both them and me. But, mighty loixl, this merry inclination Accords not with the sadness^ of my suit: Please you dismiss me, either with "ay "or "no." K. Edw. Ay, if thou wilt say "ay" to my request; No, if thou dost say " no" to my demand, so L. Grey. Then, no, my lord. My suit is at an end. Glo. [Aside to Clar.] The widow likes him not, she knits her brows. Clar. [Aside to Glo.] He is the bluntest wooer in Christendom. A". Edw. [Aside] Her looks do argue her replete with modesty; Her words do show her wit incomparable; All her perfections challenge* sovereignty: One way or other, she is for a king; And she shall be my love, or else my queen. — Say that King Edward take thee for his queen 7 I Aim^ guess. > Honesty ^ honour, chastity. s Sadne»9f gravity. « ChaUenge, demand, claim as due. Digitized by Google ACT m. Scene S. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT III. Scene 3. L, Orey. Tie better said than done, my gracious lord: 90 I am a subject fit to jest withal, But far unfit to be a sovereign. K. Edw, Sweet widow, by my state^ I swear to thee I speak no more than what my soul intends; And that is, to enjoy thee for my love. L. Qrey. And that is more than I will yield unto: I know I am too mean to be your queen, And yet too good to be your concubine. K. Edv>. You cavil, widow: I did mean, my queen. Z. Grey, T will grieve your grace my sons should call you father. 100 A". Edv). No more than when my daughters call thee mother. ^[ Thou art a widow, and thou hast some chil- ;; dren; ^ And, by God's mother, I, being but a bachelor, Have other some: why, 't is a happy thing To be the father unto many sons. ^ Answer no more, for thou shall be my queen. Ulo. \Atidt to C7ar.] The ghostly father now hath done his shrift Clar, \A9vde to Qlo^ When he was made a shriver, t was for shift K, Edw, Brothers, you muse what chat we two have had. Glo. The widow likes it not, for she looks sad.' no K. Edw, You 'd think it strange if I should marry her. Clctr, To whom, my lord? K, Edw, Why, Clarence, to myself. Olo, That would be ten days' wonder at the least C%ar, That's a day longer than a wonder lasts. Olo. By so much is the wonder in extremes. A'. Edw. Well, jest on, brothers: I can tell you both Her suit is granted for her husband's lands. Enter a Noblematu Nob. My gracious lord, Henry your foe is taken, And brought as prisoner to your palace-gate. 1 Stete. rank. < Sad, gnve K. Edw. See that he be conveyed unto the Tower: — 120 And go we, brothers, to the man that took him. To question of his apprehensi6n. — Widow, go you along:* — lords, use her hon- ourably. [Exeunt all except Gloster. Glo. Ay, Edward will use women honour- ably.— Would he were wasted, marrow, bones, and all. That from his loins no hopeful branch may spring. To cross* me from the golden time I look fori [And yet, between my soul's desire and me — ' The lustful Edward's title buri6d~ ; Is Clarence, Henry, and his son young Ed- ;; ward, i.so^ And all the look'd-for issue of their bodies. To take their rooms, ere I can place myself: ] A cold premeditation for my purpose ! ^ Why, then, I do but dream on sovereignty; > Like one that stands upon a promontory, j And spies a far-off shore where he would; tread, ^ Wishing his foot were equal with his eye; I And chides the sea that sunders him from/ thence, ;! Saying, he '11 lade it dry to have his way: ^ So do I wish the crown, being so far off; 140) And so I chide the means that keeps me^ from it; i And so I say, 1 11 cut the causes off, ') Flatt'ring me^ with impossibilities. — ;! My eye 's too quick, my heart o'erweens too ' much. Unless my hand and strength could equal/ them. ] \ Well, say there is no kingdom, then, for Richard; What other pleasure can the world afford? [ 1 11 make my heaven in a lady's lap, ; And deck my body in gay ornaments, $ And witch sweet ladies with my words and ^ looks. 150 O miserable thought ! and more unlikely Than to accomplish twenty golden crowns ! 3 ' Of, concerning. * Oo you €U thorns, ? Seeking a way, and straying from the way; < Not knowing how to find the open air, \ But toiling desperately to find it out — ( Torment myself to catch the English crown: ^ And from that torment I will free myself, I80 ? Or hew my way out with a bloody axe. ] ^ Why, I can smile, and murder whiles I smile; And cry "Content" to that which grieves my heart; And wet my cheeks with artificial tears, And frame my face to all occasions: [ I Ml drown more sailors than the mermaid ^ shall; i 1 11 slay more gazers than the basilisk; I I '11 play the orator as well as Nestor; S Deceive more slily than Ulysses could; I And, like a Sinon, take another Troy: 190^ I can add colours to the chameleon;] , Change shapes with Proteus for advantages; And set the murderous Machiavel to school Can I do this, and cannot get a crown? Tut, were it further off, I 'U pluck it down. [£ant. Scene III. Franxie. A room of ttate in the palace at Tours, Lewis, King of France^ on his throne; Ladt Bona, Admiral Bourbon, and others. Enter Queen Margaret, Prince Edward, and the Earl of Oxford. K, Lew, [rising]. Fair Queen of England, worthy Margai-et, Sit down with us: it ill befits thy state And birth, that thou shouldst stand while Lewis doth sit ^I'U make, i.e. 1 11 make it. < Impaled, encircled. Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 3. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT III. Scene i Q. Mar. No, mighty King of France: now Margaret 4 Must strike her sail, and learn awhile to serve, Where kings command. I was, I must con- Great Albion's queen in former golden days: But now mischance hath trod my title down, And with dishonour laid me on the ground; S t Where I must take like seat unto my fortune, i And to my humble state conform myself. ] ii K. Lew. Why, say, fair queen, whence springs this deep despair? Q. Mar. From ^uch a cause as fills mine eyes with tears. And stops my tongue, while heart is drown'd in cares. K. Lew. Whatever it be, be thou still like thyself. And sit thee by our side [Seats her by him\ : yield not thy neck To fortune's yoke, but let thy dauntless mind Still ride in triumph over all mischance. Be plain,^ Queen Margaret, and tell thy grief; It shall be eas'd, if France can yield relief. 20 Q. Mar. Those gracious words revive my drooping thoughts. And give my tongue-tied sorrows leave to speak. Now, therefore, be it known to noble Lewis, That Henry, sole possessor of my love, Is, of a king, become a banished man. And forc'd to live in Scotland a forlorn; While proud ambitious Edward duke of York Usurps the regal title and the seat Of England's true-anointed lawful king.' This is the cause that I, poor Margaret, — so With this my son. Prince Edward, Henry's heir, — Am come to crave thy just and lawful aid; And if thou fail us, idl our hope is done:* ^Q Scotland hath will to help, but cannot help; \ Our people and our peers are both misled, cOur treasure seiz'd, our soldiers put to flight, < And, as thou seest, ourselves in heavy plight] K. Lew. Renowned queen, with patience calm the storm. While we bethink a means to break it off.' 1 Be plain, i.e. speak out freely. • Break it of, ie. put an end to ii s Done, ended. Q. Mar. The more we stay, the stronger grows our foe. 40 ^K. Lew. The more I stay, tlie more I'll> succour thee. S Q. Mar. 0, but impatience waiteth on true? sorrow: — ] > And see where comes the breeder of my sorrow! E^Uer Warwick, attendecL K. Lew. What's he approacheth boldly to our presence? Q. Mar. Our Earl of Warwick, Edward's greatest friend. K. Leio. Welcome, brave Warwick ! What brings thee to France? [Descending from his throne. Queen Margaret rises. Q. Mar, [Aside"] Ay, now begins a second storm to rise; For this is he that moves both wind and tide. War. From worthy Edward, king of Albion, My lord and sovereign, and thy vowed friend, I come, in kindness and unfeigned love, — 51 First, to do greetings to thy royal person; And then to crave a league of amity; And lastly, to confirm that amity With nuptial knot, if thou vouchsafe to grant That virtuous Lady Bona, thy fair sister, To England's king in lawful marriage. Q. Mar. [Aside\ If that go forward, Henry's hope is done. War. [to Bona] And, gracious madam, in our king's behalf, 59 I am commanded, with your leave and favour. Humbly to kiss your hand, and with my tongue To tell the passion of my sovereign's heart; [Where fame, late ent'ring at his heedful ears, ? Hath plac'd thy beauty's image and thy virtue.] < Q. Mar. King Lewis, — and Lady Bona, — hear me speak. Before you answer Warwick. His demand Springs not from Edward's well-meant honest love. But from deceit bred by necessity; For how can t3n»nts safely govern home, «o Unless abroad they purchase* great alliance? * Purckaee, acquire. 141 Digitized by Google ACT III. Soena 8. KING HENRY VL— PART IIL ACTIIL QTo prove him tynnt this reason may saffice, — That Henry liveth still; but were he dead, Yet here Prince £dward stands, King Henry's son.] 78 Look, therefore, Lewis, that by this league and marriage Thou draw not on ^ thy danger and dishonour; For though usurpers sway the rule awhile, Yet heavens are just, and time suppresseth wrongs. War, Injurious' Margaret! Pr. Edw, And why not queen 1 War. Because thy father Henry did usurp; And thou no more art prince than she is queen. 80 [Oj?/; Then Warwick disannuls great John of Graunt, Which did subdue the greatest part of ' Spain; And, after John of Graunt, Henry the Fourth, Whose wisdom was a mirror to the wisest; And, after that wise prince, Henry the Fifth, ;,Who by his prowess conquered all France: ( From these our Henry lineally descenda \ War, Oxford, how haps it, in this smooth ] discourse, 5 You told not how Henry the Sixth hath lost All that which Henry' the Fifth had gotten? Methinks these peers of France should smile at that 91 But for the rest, — you tell a pedigree Of threescore and two years; a silly time To make prescription for a kingdom's worth. Oxf, Why, Warwick, canst thou sgeaik against thy liege, Whom thou obeyed'st thirty and six years, And not bewray* thy treason with a blush? War, Can Oxford, that did ever fence* the right, Now buckler falsehood with a pedigree? For shame! leave Henry, and call £dward king. 100 Oxf, Call him my king by whose injurioust* doom My elder brother, the Lord Aubrey Vera, 1 Draw not Then none but I shall turn his jest to sorrow. > I was the chief that rais'd him to the crown, ) And I '11 be chief to bring him down again : ^ Not that I pity Henry's misery, / But seek revenge on Edward's mockery. ^ ACT IV. Scene I. London, A room in the palace. Filter Gloster, Clarence, Somerset, and Montague. Olo. Now tell me, brother Clarence, what think you Of this new marriage with the Lady Grey? Hath not our brother made a worthy choice? Clar, Alas, you know 't is far from hence to France; How could he stay till Warwick made return? Som. My lords, forbear this talk; here comes the king. Olo. And his well-chosen bride. Clar. I mind to tell him plainly what I think. Flourish, Enter King Edward, a We;k/ec?; Lady Grey, as Queen; Pembroke, Stafford, and HASTiNoa K, Edw. Now, brother Clarence, how like you our choice, 9 Tliat you stand pensive, as half malcontent? Clar. As well as Lewis of France, or th' Earl c^ Warwick ; Which are so weak of courage, and in judg- ment. That they 11 take no offence at our abuse. K. Edw. Suppose they take offence without a cause. VOL. II. 1 Stale, dape. They are but Lewis and Warwick: I am Ed- ward, Your king and Warwick's, and must have my wiU. Olo, Ay, and shall have your will, because our king : Yet hasty marriage seldom proveth well K. Edw. Yea, brother Richard, are you offended too? Olo. Not 1 : 20 No, God forbid that I should wish them sever'd Whom God hathjoin'd together; ay, 'twere pity To sunder them that yoke so well together. K. Edw. Setting your scorns and your mis- like aside, Tell me some reason why the Lady Grey Should not become my wife and England's queen : — And you too, Somerset and Montague, Speak freely what you think. Clar, Then this is mine opinion, — that King Lewis Becomes your enemy, for mocking him so About the marriage of the Lady Bona. Olo, And Warwick, doing what you gave in charge, Js now dishonoured by this new marriage. K. Edw. What if both Lewis and Warwick be appeas'd By such invention as I can devise? Mont. Yet, to have join'd with France in such alliance 145 3a Digitized by Google ACT rV. Scene 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT IV. Would more have strengthen'd this our com- monwealth 'Gkkinst foreign storms than any home-bred marriage. Hagt, Why, knows not Montague that of itself England is safe, if true within it^ft ? 40 Moni. Yes ; but the safer when 't is backed with France, Ha$t, T is better using France than trusting France: Let us be back'd with God, and with the seas Which he hath given for fence* impregnable, And with their helps only* defend ourselves; In them and in ourselves our safety lies. I {^Clar, For this one speech Lord Hastings ^ well deserves ^To have the heir of the Lord Hungerford. K, Edw, Ay, what of that? it was my will and grant ; 49 ^ And for this once my will shall stand for law. Olo, And yet methinks yoiir grace hath not done well ^To give the heir and daughter of Lord Scales > Unto the brother of your loving bride ; >She better would have fitted me or Clarence : ^But in your bride you bury brotherhood. Clar. Or else you would not have bestowed the heir 5 Of the Lord Bonville on your new wife's son, < And leave your brothers to go speed ' elsewhere. ^ iT. Edw, Alas, poor Clarence ! is it for a wife That thou art malcontent?* I will provide thee. CO Clar, In choosing for yourself, you show'd your judgment, Which being shallow, you shall give me leave To play the broker in mine own behalf ; And to that end I shortly mind to leave yoiL K, Edw, Leave me or tarry, Edward will be king, ^And not be tied unto his brother's will.] Q, Miz, My lords, before it pleas'd his majesty To raise my state* to title of a queen. Do me but right, and you must all confess I Fence, defence, protection. s Speed, fare, seek their fortune. * Malcontent, discontented. * State, condition, rank. 146 s OrUy, alone. That I was not ignoble of descent ; 70 And meaner than myself have had like for- tune. But as this title honours me and mine, So your dislikes, to whom I would be pleasing, Doth cloud my joys with danger and with sorrow. K, Edw, My love, forbear to fawn upon their frowns : What danger or what sorrow can befall thee, So long as Edward is thy constant friend. And their true sovereign, whom they must obey? Nay, whom they shall obey, and love thee too. Unless they seek for hatred at my hands ; 80 Which if they do, yet Vill I keep thee safe. And they shall feel the vengeance of my wratii. Glo, [Agide\ I hear, yet say not much, but think the more. Enter a Meumger. K. Edw, Now, messenger, what letters or what news From France? Me$8, My sovereign liege, no letters; and few words. But such as I, without your special pardon, Dare not relate. K, Edw, Go to, we pardon thee : Therefore, in brief, tell me their words as near As thou canst guess them. 90 [Patiseg. The Messenger hesitates to answer. What answer makes King Lewis unto our letters? Mess, At my depart, these were his very words: "Go tell false Edward, thy supposed king. That Lewis of France is sending over maskers To revel it with him and his new bride." K, Edw, Is Lewis so brave? belike he thinks me Henry. [But what said Lady Bona to my marriage? > Mess, These were her words, utter'd with) mild disdain : > "Tell him, in hope he '11 prove a widower) shortly, > I 'U wear the willow-garland for his sake." 100 ) K, Edw, I blame not her, she could say? little less ; ; Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scone 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT IV. Scene 2. ^She had the wrong. But what said Henry's > queen? 102 )For I have heard that she was there in place.^ } Mess. "Tell him," quoth she, "my mouming- i weeds are done, ^ And I am ready to put armoiir on." / K. Edw. Belike she minds to play the i Amazon.] But what said Warwick to these injuries? Mess, He, more incens'd against your mar jesty Than all the rest, discharged me with these words: "Tell him from me, that he hath done me wrong, 110 And therefore I '11 uncrown him ere't be long." K. Edw, Ha ! durst the traitor breathe out 80 proud words? Well, I will arm me, being thus forewarned : They shall have wars, and pay for their pre- sumption. But say, is Warwick friends with Margaret? Mess, Ay, gracious sovereign; they're so link'd in friendship, That young Prince Edward marries Warwick's daughter. Clar, Belike the elder; Clarence will have the younger. Now, brother king, farewell, and sit you fast, For I will hence to Warwick's other daughter; That, though I want a kingdom, yet in mar- riage 121 I may not prove inferior to yourself. — You that love me and Warwick, follow me. SExit Clarence; Somerset follows. Not I: my thoughts aim at a further matter ; Not for the love of Edward, but the crown I stay. K. Edw, Clarence and Somerset both gone to Warwick ! Yet am I arm'd against the worst can happen; And haste is needful in this desp'rate case. — Pembroke and Stafford, you in our behalf iso Go levy men, and make prepare* for war; They are already, or quickly will be, landed : Myself in person will straight follow you. [Exeunt Pembroke and Stafford. 1 In place t present s Prepare, preparation But, ere I go, Hastings and Montague, 184 Resolve' my doubt You twain, of all the rest. Are near to Warwick by blood and by alliance: Tell me if you love Warwick more than me? If it be so, then both depart to him ; I rather wish you foes than hollow friends : But if you mind^ to hold your true obed- ience, uo Give me assurance with some friendly vow. That I may never have you in suspect.^ Mont. So God help Montague as he proves true! Hast, And Hastings as he favours Edward's cause! K. Edw, Now, brother Richard, will you stand by us? Olo, Ay, in despite of all that shall with- stand you. K. Edw, Why, so ! then am I sure of victory. Now therefore let us hence ; and lose no hour. Till we meet Warwick with his foreign power. [Exeunt, Scene II. A plain in Warwickshire. Enter Warwick and Oxford, vnth French and other Forces, War, Trust me, my lord, all hithertogoes well ; The common people by numbers swarm to us. — But see where Somerset and Clarence come ! Enter Clarence and Somerset. Speak suddenly ,'my lords, — are we all friends? Clar, Fear not that, my lord. War. Then, gentle Clarence, welcome unto Warwick ; — And welcome, Somerset : — I hold it cowardice To rest mistrustful where a noble heart Hath pawn'd^ an open hand in sign of love; Else might I think that Clarence, Edward's brother, 10 Were but a feigned friend to our proceedings: — Welcome, sweet Clarence ; my daughter shall be thine. And now what rests ^ but, in night's coverture. Thy brother being carelessly encamp'd. His soldiers lurking in the towns about, * Jieeolve, ie. saUsfy. * Suspect, suspicion. 7 Pawned, pledged, gaged. 147 * Mind, mean. * Suddenly, at once. * Rests, remains. Digitized by Google ACT IV. Sceue 2. KING HENEY VL— PART III. ACT IV. And but attended by a simple guard, We may surprise and take him at our pleasure? ^ [Our scouts have found th' adventure very easy : ;^That as Ulysses and stout Diomede ;With sleight and manhood^ stole to Bhesus' tents, so And brought from thence the Thracian fatal steeds; Firtt Watch, Ho hath uiodo a volemn tow Nercr to lie and take his nataral rest Till Warwick or himself be quite sapprassU-i Act It. S. 4^) So we, well cover'd with the night's black mantle, 22 / At unawares may beat down Edward's guard, /And seize himself; I say not, slaughter liim, ^ For I intend but only to surprise him. — ] You that will follow me to this attempt Applaud the name of Henry with your leader. [They aU cry'' Henry r J 1 Sleight and manhood, craft and brarery. 148 Why, then, let's on our way in silent sort: For Warwick and his friends God and Saint Geoi^ge! [Eafeuiti, Scene III. Edwards campy near Warwick. Enter certain Watchmen, be/ore the Kin^t tent. First Watch, Come on, my masters, each man take his stand: The king, by this, is set him down to sleep. Second Waich, What, will he not to bed ? First Watch, Why, no; for he hath made a solemn vow Never to lie and take his natural rest Till Warwick or himself be quite suppressed. Second Watch. To-morrow, then, beKke shall be the day. If Warwick be so near as men report Third Watch. But say, I pray, what noble- man is that 9 That with the king here resteth in his tent? First Watch. Tis the Lord Hastings, the king's chiefest friend. Third Watch. O, is it so? But why com- mands the king That his chief followers lodge in towns about him. While he himself keeps here in the cold field? Second Watch. Tis the more honour, be- cause more dangerous. Third Watch, Ay, but give me worship* and quietness; I like it better than a dangerous honour. If Warwick knew in what estate' he stands, T is to be doubted* he would waken him. First Watch. Unless our halberds did shut up his passage. 20 Second Watch. Ay, wherefore else guard we his royal tent, But to defend his person from night-foes? Enter Warwick, Clarence, Oxford, Somerset, and Forces. War. This is his tent; and see where stand his guard. i Worthif>= dignity. * Doubted, api»rehended. s Eitate, i.e. plight Digitized by Google 1€T IV. SetiM 8. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT IV. Soeaa 4. Courage, my masters! honour now or never! But* follow me, and Edward shall be ours. 26 tHr$t Watch, Who goes there ? Second Watch, Stay, or thou diest! [Warwici and the rest cry, "Warwick! Warwick I" and set upon the Gnardy ^'^ fiVi cryinffy^Anal Arm I" War- wick and the rest foUowing them. Drums heating and trumpets sounding, re-enter Warwick and the reity bringing the King out in his gown, sitting in a chair, Gloster and Hastings are seen flying. Som, What are they that fly there? War, Richard and Hastings : let them go; here 's the duke. K, Edw, The duke! Why, Warwick, when we parted last 30 Tbou call'dst me king. War, Ay, but the case is alter'd: When you disgraced me in my embassade, TTien I d^raded you from being king, And come now to create you Duke of York. Alas, how should you govern any kingdom, That know not how to use ambassadors; Nor how to be contented with one wife; Nor how to use your brothers brotherly; [Clarence comes forward. Nor how to study for the people's welfare; Nor how to shroud yourself from enemies? 40 K. Edw. Brother of Clarence, what, art thou here too? Nay, then I see that Edward needs must down. — Yet, Warwick, in despite of all mischance, Of thee thyself and all thy complices, Edward will always bear himself as king: Though fortune's malice overthrow my state,* My mind exceeds the ccnnpass' of her wheel. War. Then, for* his mind, be Edward Eng- land's king: [Takes off his crown. But Henry now shall wear the English crown, And be true king indeed ; thou but the sha- dow.— 60 My Lord of Somerset, at my request. See that forthwith Duke Edward be conveyed Unto my brother, Archbi8h6p of York. » But, only. « State, royalty. » Kxeeedi the eompatg, is beyond the reach. * For, as to. When I have fought with Pembroke and his fellows,* 54 1 11 follow you, and tell him there what an- swer Lewis and the Lady Bona send to him. — Now, for a while farewell, good Duke of York, /r. Edw, What fates impose, that men must • needs abide; It boots not to resist both wind and tide. [Exit, led out; Somerset with him. Oxf. What now remains, my lords, for us to do, 60 But march to London with our soldiers?*^ War, Ay, that 's the first thing that we liave to do; To free King Henry from imprisonment. And see him seated in the regal throne. [ExeurU, f Scene IV. London. A room in the Tower. \ Enter Queen Elizabeth and RivERa < Riv, Madam, what makes you in this sud- ^ den ehange? i Q. Eliz. Why, brother Rivera, are you yet^ to learn < What late misfortune is befall'n King Edward ? I Riv. What, loss of some pitch'd battle against Warwick? Q. Eliz. No, but the loss of his own royal person. Riv. Then, is my sovereign slain? Q. Eliz. Ay, almost slain, for he in taken prisoner; Either beUa/d by falsehood of his guard, Or by his foe surpris'd at unawares: And, as I further have to understand, io> Is new^ committed to the Bishop of York, > Fell® Warwick's brother, and by that our foe. j; Riv, These news, I must confess, are full of jl grief; ; Yet, gracious madam, bear it as you may: { Warwick may lose, that now hath won the day. ] Q. Eliz. Till then, fair hope must hinder! life's decay. \ And I the rather wean me from despair, i For love of Edward's offspring in my womb: > * FeUow9, comrades. 0 Soldiers, pronounced an u trisyllable. ' Xew, Just, lately. » Fell, fierce. 149 Digitized by Google ACT rv. Scene 4. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT IV. SoeiM 5. ^Tis this that makes me bridle passion, i And bear with mildness my misfortune's cross; /Ay, ay, for this I draw-in many a tear, 21 ? And stop the rising of blood-sucking sighs, / Lest with my sighs or tears I blast or drown I King Edward's fruit, true heir to th' English crown. Biv. But, madam, where is Warwick, then, become?^ Q. Eliz. I am inform'd that he comes t6-^ wards London, To set the crown once more on Henry's head: Guess thou the rest; King Edward's friends^ must down. But, to prevent the t3rrant's violence, — For trust not him that hath once broken faith, I I '11 hence forthwith unto the sanctuary, 3i < To save at least the heir of Edward's right: < Ri9. MMUm, what vaakm yon in this ludden changeMAci It. 4. l.) ) There shall I rest secure from force and fraud.* ^CJome, therefore, let us fly while we may fly: ) If Warwick take us, we are sure to die. I [Exeunt.2 Scene V. In the Archbishop of Yorl^s park, near Mvddleham Castle in Yorkshire, Enter Gloster, Hastings, Sir William Stanley, and others, Olo, Now, my Lord Hastings and Sir Wil- liam Stanley, Leave off to wonder why I drew you hither. 1 la beeomtt has arrived. 3 Fraxidy stratagem, treachery. 150 Into this chiefest Uiicket of the park. s Thus stands the case: you know our king, my brother. Is prisoner to the bishop, at whose hands He hath good usage and great liberty; And often, but attended^ with weak guard, Comes hunting this way to disport himself. I have adv^rtis'd him by secret means, That if about this hour he make this way, 10 Under the colour* of his usual game. He shall here find his friends, with horse and men. To set him free from his captivity. > But attended^ attended onl>'. 4 Colour, pretence, excuse. Digitized by Google ACT IV. Soene 5. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT IV. Scene 6. Enter Kino Edward and a JIunUma^L Hunt, This way, my lord; for this way lies the game. 14 K. Edw. Nay, this way, man: see where the huntsmen stand. — Now, brother of Gloster, Lord Hastings, and the rest, Stand you thus close, to steal the bishop's deer? Olo, Brother, the time and case requireth haste: Your horse stands ready here at the park- comer. K. Edw. But whither shall we then? 90 Hast, To Lynn, my lord; and ship from thence to Flandera Glo, Well guess'd, believe me; for that was my meaning. K. Edw. Stanley, I will requite thy for- wardness. (Jlo. But wherefore stay we? 'tis no time to talk. K. Edw. Huntsman, what say^st thou? wilt thou go along? Hunt. Better do so than tarry and be hang'd. Olo. Come then, away ; let 's ha' no more ado. K. Edw. Bishop, farewell: shield thee from Warwick's frown; And pray that I may repossess the crown. [Exeunt. Scene VX London. A room in the Tower. Enter Kino Henry, Clarence, Warwick, Somerset, young Richmond, Oxford, Mon- TAOUE, Lieutenant of the Tower^ and Attend- ants. ) \^K. Hen. Master lieutenant, now that God i and friends < Have shaken Edward from the regal seat, ( And tum'd my captive state to liberty, i My fear to hope, my sorrows unto joys, — ^ At our enlai^ment' what are thy due fees? < Lieu. Subjects may challenge* nothing of < their sov'reigns; J But if an humble prayer^ may prevail, S I then crave pardon of your majesty. 1 Enlargement, lil)eration. * Challenge, lay claim to, demand. * Prayer, pronounced as a dlMyllable. K. Hen. For what, lieutenant? for well- using me? Nay, be thou sure I '11 well requite thy kind- ness, 10 For that it made my imprisonment a pleasure; Ay, such a pleasure as incaged birds Conceive, when, after many moody thoughts, At last, by notes of household harmony. They quite forget their loss of liberty. — But, Warwick, after God, thou sett'st me free. And chiefly therefore I thank God and thee; He was the author, thou the instrument. Therefore, that I may conquer fortune's spite. By living low, where fortune cannot hurt me. And that the people of this blessed land 21 May not be punish'd with my thwarting stars, — Warwick, although my head still wear the crown, I here resign my government to thee. For thou art fortunate in all thy deeds. War. Your grace hath still been fam'd for virtuous; And now may seem as wise as virtuous. By spying and avoiding fortune's malice, For few men rightly temper with the stars:* Yet in this one thing let me blame your grace, so For choosing me when Clarence is in place.* Clar. No, Warwick, thou art worthy of the sway. To whom the heavens, in thy nativity, Adjudg'd an olive-branch and laurel-crown, As likely to be blest in peace and war; And therefore I yield thee my free consent. > War. And I choose Clarence only for pro- > tector. ] \ K. Hen. Warwick and Clarence, give me both your hands: Now join your hands, and with your hands your hearts, That no dissension hinder government: 40 I make you both protectors of this land; While I myself will lead a private life, And in devotion spend my latter days. To sin's rebuke and my Creator's praise. War. What answers Clarence to his sov- ereign's will? * Rightly tsmper with the ttare, act as fits thefr des- tiny. * In place, present 151 Digitized by Google ACT IV. SoeiM 6. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT IV. Clar. That he consents, if Warwick yield consent; For on thy fortune I repose myself. War. Why, then, though loth, yet must I be content : We '11 yoke together, like a double shadow To Henry's body, and supply his place; 60 I mean, in bearing weight of government, While he enjoys the honour and his ease. Q And, Clarence, now then it is more than need- ful Forthwith that Edward be pronounc'd a traitor. And all his lands and goods be confiscate. Clar. What else? and that succession be determin'd. War. Ay, therein Clarence shall not want his part K. Hen. But, with the first of all your chief afiiidrs. Let me entreat — ^for I command no more — That Margaret your queen, and my son Ed- ward, «o Be sent for, to return from France with speed; For, till I see them here, by doubtful fear My joy of liberty is half eclips'd. Clar. It shall be done, my sovereign, with / all speed. 3 A'. Hen, Mj Lofd of Somerset, what youth is that. Of whom you seem to have so tender care? Som. My liege, it is young Henry, earl of Richmond. K. Hen. Come hither, England's hope. — If secret powers [Lai/s his hand on hi$ head. Suggest but truth to my divining thoughts, This pretty lad will prove our counties bliss. His looks are full of peaceful majesty; 70 His head by nature fram'd to wear a crown. His hand to wield a sceptre; and himself Likely in time to bless a regal throne. Make much of him, my lords; for this is he Must help you more than you are hurt by me. Enter a Messenger. War. What news, my friend? Mess. That Edward is escaped from your brother, And fled, as he hears since, to Burgimdy. 152 War. Unsavoury news ! but how made he escape? so Mess. He was conve/d* by Richard duke of Gloster, And the Lord Hastings, who attended' him In secret ambush on the forest-side. And from the bishop's huntsmen rescu'd him; For hunting was his daily exercise. War. My brother was too careless of his charge. — But let us hence, my sovereign, to provide A salve for any sore that may betide. [Exeunt all except Somerset^ Richmond^ a7id Oxford. Som. My lord, I like not of this flight of Edward's; 89 For doubtless Burgundy will yield him help, And we shall have more wars before 't be long. As Henry's late presaging prophecy Did glad my heart with hope of this young Richmond, So doth my heart misgive me, in these con- flicts What may befall him, to his harm and ours: Therefore, Lord Oxford, to prevent the worst. Forthwith we'll send him hence to Brittany, Till storms be past of civil enmity. Oxf. Ay, for if Edward repossess the crown, 'T is like that Richmond with the rest shall down. 101 Som. It shall be so; he shall to Brittany. Come, therefore, let 's about it speedily. [Exeunt. \ Q Scene VII. Before the gates of Fort. I Flourish. Enter Ki5G Edward, Gloster, Hastings, and Forces. K. Edw. Now, brother Richard, Hastings, and the rest. Yet thus far fortune maketh us amends. And says, that once more I shall interchange My waned state for Henry's regal crown. Well have we pass'd and now repass'd the \ 1 Convey'd^ made off with. « AtUnded, wnlted for. Digitized by Google ACT IV. Some 7. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT IV. Scen« 7. ^ And brought desired help from Burgundy: < What, then, remains, we being thus arrived \ From Ravenspurg haven before the gates of < York, Hast. My liege, I'll knock once more to > summon them. [Knocks again, ^ Enter^ on the icalUj the Mayor of York and i Aldermen, / May, My lords, we were forewarned of your coming, ^ And shut the gates for safety of ourselves; J For now we owe allegiance unto Henry. K, Edw. But, master mayor, if Henry be your king, «0 ' Yet Edward at the least is Duke of York. ', May, True, my good lord; I know you for ^ no less. ( K, Edw. Why, and I challenge^ nothing but < my dukedom, ^ As being well content with that alone. ^ Glo, [Aside"] But when the fox hath once got ^ in his nose, So 't were not long of him;^ but being enter'd, ; I doubt not, I, but we shall soon persuade ^Both him and all his brothers unto reason. 1 Abodementt, omens, portents. « Challenge, claim. * Lang qf him^ by his means. Enter i belowy the Mayor and ttco Aldermen, i from the town, / K. Edw, So, master mayor: these gates must ^ not be shut 35 ' But in the night or in the time of war. ( What! fear not, man, but yield me up the^ keys; [Takes his keys. J For Edward will defend the town and thee, < And all those friends that deign to follow me. ^ but< the< Brum. Enter Montoomert and Forces^ i marching, i Qlo, Brother, this is Sir John Montgomery, ( Our trusty friend, imless I be deceiv'd. 40? K, Edw, Welcome, Sir John! But why? come you in arms? \ Mont, To help King Edward in his time of? storm, ^ As every loyal subject ought to do. K. Edw, Thanks, good Montgomery: we now forget Our title to the crown, and only claim Our dukedom, till God please to send rest. Mont, Then fare you well, for I will hence ^ again: I came to serve a king, and not a duke. Drummer, strike up, and let us march away. [A march begun. K, Edw, Nay, stay. Sir John, awhile; and we 'II debate b\ By what safe means the crown may be re- cover'd. Mont. What talk you of debating? in few words, — If you '11 not here proclaim yourself our king, I '11 leave you to your fortune, and be gone To keep them back that come to succour you: Why shall we fight, if you pretend no title?* Olo. Why, brother, wherefore stand you on° nice* points? K. Edw. When we grow stronger, then we'll make our claim: Till then, 't is wisdom to conceal our meaning. Ha^st. Away with scrupulous wit ! ^ now arms must rule. 61 \ * Pretend no title, set up no claim to the crown. * Stand you en, stick at, insist on. * Nice, tiittiug. ? SemptUoiis vit, cautious policy. 153 Digitized by Google ACT IV. Soeoe 7. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT IV. Scene S. Glo. And fearless minds climb soonest unto crowna 62 ? Brother, we will proclaim you out of hand; \ The bruit ^ thereof will bring you many friends. \ K. Edw, Then be it as you will; for 't is my ^ And Henry but usurps the diadem. _ ^ \y MonL And whoioe'er gainsays Kins Edvard^s right, By this I chaUenge him to iingl« flght.-( Act iv. 7. 7i, 7S.) Mont, Ay, now my sovereign speaketh like himself; ^And now will I be Edward's champion. Hast. Sound trumpet; Edward shall be here proclaim'd: — 7o ^Come, fellow-soldier, make thou proclamation. [Gives him a paper. Flourish. 1 Bruit, fame, report. 164 Sold, [reads] "Edward the Fourth, by the grace ) of God, king of England and France, and lord of > Ireland, &c." 73^ Mont. And whosoe'er gainsays King Ed-j ward's right, | By this I challenge him to single fight. \ [Throws down his gauntlet. J All. Long live Edward the Fourth ! ) K. Edw. Thanks, brave Montgomery; — ; thanks unto you all: 'f If fortune serve me, I '11 requite this kindness. '^ Now, for this night, let 's harbour* here in York ; \ And when the morning sun shall raise his car ^ Above the border of this h6rizon, si 5 We '11 forward towards Warwick and his mates ; ( For well I wot that Henry is no soldier. — J Ah, fro ward Clarence I how evil it beseems^ thee > To flatter Henry, and forsake thy brother ! ( Yet, as we may, we'll meet both thee and< Warwick. — \ Come on, brave soldiers: doubt not of the day; And thdt once gotten, doubt not of large pay. [Exeunt. ] Scene VIII. London. A room in the Bishop^s palace. Flourish. Enter Kino Henkt, Warwick, Clarence, Montaque, Exeter, atid Oxtord. War. What counsel, lords? Edward from Belgia, With hardy (Germans and blunt Hollanders, Hath pass'd in safety through the narrow seas. And with his troops doth march amain to London; And many giddy people flock to him. Oaf. Let's levy men, and beat him back again. Clar. A little fire is quickly trodden out ; Which, being suffer'd, rivers cannot quench. War. In Warwickshire I have true-hearted friends. Not mutinous in peace, yet bold in war; 10 Those will I muster up : — and thou, son Clarence, Shalt stir in Suffolk, Norfolk, and in Kent, The knights and gentlemen to come with thee : — Thou, brother Montague, in Buckingham, Northampton, and in Leicestershire, shalt find i Harbmir, lodge. > How evil it begeemt, how ill it becomes. Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scene 8. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT y. Scene 1. Men well inclined to hear what thou com- mand'st: — And thou, brave Oxford, wondrous well belov'd. In Oxfordshire shalt muster up thy friends. — My sovereign, with the loving citizens, — Like to his island girt-in with the ocean, 20 Or modest Dian circled with her nymphs, — Shall rest in London till we come to him. — Fair lords, take leave, and stand not to reply. — Farewell, my sovereign. K. Hen. Farewell, my Hector, and my Troy's true hope. Clar. In sign of truth, I kiss your highness' hand. K, Hen, Well-minded Clarence, be thou for- tunate! Mont, Comfort, my lord; — and so, I take my leave. Oxf, [Kissing Henrifs hand] And thus I seal my truth, and bid adieu. K. Hen. Sweet Oxford, and my loving Mon- tague, so And all at once, once more, happy farewell War, Farewell, sweet lords: let's meet at Coventry. [Exeunt Warwick^ Clarence, Oxford^ and Montague, K, Hen, Here at the palace will I rest awhile. Cousin of Exeter, what thinks your lordship? Methinks the power that Edw2u*d hath in field Should not be able to encounter mine. Exe. The doubt is, that he will seduce the rest K. Hen. That 's not my fear; my meed^ hath got me fame: I have not stopp'd mine ears to their demands. Nor posted off' their suits with slow delays ; 40 My pity hath been balm to heal their wounds, My mildness hath allay'd their swelling griefs, My mercy dried their water-flowing^ tears; I have not been desirous of their wealth, 44 Nor much oppress'd them with great subsidies, Nor forward of revenge,though they much err'd : Then why should they love Edward more than me? No, Exeter, these graces challenge grace: And, when the lion fawns upon the lamb, The lamb will never cease to follow him. 50 [Shout within, "A York I A York ! " Exe. Hark, hark, my lord! what shouts are these? Enter King Edward, Glostkr, and Soldiers. K. Edw. Seize on the shame-fac'd Henry, bear him hence; And once again proclaim us king of Eng- land.— You are the fount that makes small brooks to flow: Now stops thy spring; my sea shall suck them dry. And swell so much the higher by their ebb. — Hence with him to the Tower; let him not speak. [Exeunt some with King Henry. And, lords, towards Coventry bend we our course, Where peremptory Warwick now remains: The sun shines hot; and, if we use delay, eo Cold biting winter mars our hop'd-for hay. Olo, Away betimes, before his forces join, And take the great-grown traitor unawares: Brave warriors, march amain towards Coven- try. [Exeunt. ACT V. Scene L Before the gates of Coventry. Enter, upon the walls above the gates, Warwick, the Mayor of Coventry, two Messengers, and others. War. Where is the post that came from valiant Oxford? — 1 Meed, merit s Potted of, put off. How far hence is thy lord, mine honest fellow? First Mess. By this at Dunsmore, marching hitherward. War. Where is the post that came from Montague? — [To Second Messenger] How far off is our brother Montague? * Water -Jlotnitg, i.e. copious, pouring like water. 155 Digitized by Google ▲CT V. Soeoe 1. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT Y. Soeiw 1. Second Mess. By this at Daintiy, with a puissant troop. Enter, before the ffcUeSj Sib John Someryille. War, Say, Someryille, what says my loving son? And, by thy guess, how nigh is Clarence now? Som, At Southam I did leave him with his forces, 9 And do expect him here some two hours hence. [Drum heard War. Then Clarence is at hand; I hear his drum. Som. It is not his, my lord; [pointing to the south-east] here Southam lies: The drum your honour hears marcheth from Warwick. War, Who should that be?— belike, un- look'd-for friends. Som, They are at hand, and you shall quickly know. [Enters the city. March: flourish. Enter, before the gates. Kino Edward, Gloster, and Forces. K. Edw. Go, trumpet,^ to the walls, and sound a parle. Olo. [To Edward] See how the surly War- wick mans the wall ! War. O unbid* spite! is sportful' Edward come? Where slept our scouts, or how are they seduc'd. That we could hear no news of his repair?* so K. Edw. Now, Warwick, wilt thou ope the city-gates, Speak gentle words, and humbly bend thy knee, Call Edward king, and at his hands beg mercy? And he shall pardon thee these outrages. War. Nay, rather, wilt thou draw thy forces hence. Confess who set thee up and pluck'd thee down, Call Warwick patron, and be penitent? And thou shalt still remain the Duke Deck, pack. * To, as to. Digitized by Google ACT V. KING HENRY VL— PART IIL ACT V. SoQiM 1 Olo, The gates are qpen, let us enter too. 60 K, Edw. So other foes may set upon our backs. Stand we in good array; for they no doubt Will issue out again and bid us battle: If not, the city being but of small defence, We *11 quickly rouse the traitors in the same. [Re-enter Oxford^ on the walls, }Y(ir. O, welcome, Oxford ! for we want thy help. Enter Montaoub, with ForoeSy drunif and colours, Mont, Montague, Montague, for Lancaster! [He and Ms Forces enter the city, Olo, Thou and thy brother both shall buy this treason Even with the dearest blood your bodies bear. K. Edw. The harder match'd, the greater victory: 70 My mind presageth happy gain and conquest Enter Somerset, vrith Forces^ drum, and colours. Som. Somerset, Somerset, for Lancaster! [He and his Forces enter the city. Olo. Two of thy name, both Dukes of So- merset, Have sold their lives unto the house of York; And thou shalt be the third, if this sword hold. Enter Clarence, with Forces, drum, and colours. War. And lo, where George of Clarence sweeps along. Of force enough to bid his brother battle; With whom an upright zeal to right prevails More than the nature of a brother's love ! — [Clarence halts; Gloster goes and speaks with him. Come, Clarence, come; thou wilt, if Warwick call. 80 dor. Father of Warwick, know you what this means? [Taking the red rose out of his hat. Look here, I throw my infamy at thee: ^C I will not ruinate my father's house. Who gave his blood to lime the stones to- gether, And set up Lancaster. Why, trow'st thon,^ Warwick, > That Clarence is so harsh, so blunt,^ unnatural, ) To bend* the fatal instruments of war > Against his brother and his lawful king? > Perhaps thou wilt object my holy oath : / To keep that oath were more impiety 90> Than Jephthah's, when he sacriiic'd his daugh- ^ ter. ; I am 80 sorry for my trespass made, j That, to deserve well at my brother's hands, ]< I here proclaim myself thy mortal foe; With resoluticm, wheresoe'er I meet thee, — As I will meet thee, if thou stir abroad, — To plague thee ior thy foul misleading me. And so, proud-hearted Warwick, I defy thee, A nd to my brother turn my blushing cheeks. — Pardon me, Edward, I will make amends; — And, Richard, do not frown upon my faults, For I will henceforth be no more unconstant K. Edw. Now welcome more, and ten times more belov'd, 103 Than if thou never hadst deserv'd our hate. Olo. Welcome, good Clarence; this is brotlier- like. War. O passing 3 traitor, perjur'd and un- just! K. Edw. What, Warwick, wilt thou leave the town, and fight? Or shall we beat the stones about thine ears? War. Alas, I am not coop'd here for de- fence! I will away towards Bamet presently, no And bid thee battle, Edward, if thou dar'st K. Edw. Yes, Warwick, Edward dares, and leads the way. — Lords, to the field; Saint George and victory! [March Exeunt King Edward and his Compaimf. Warwick and the rest descend into the city. Scene II. A field of battle near Barnet. Alarums and excursions. Enter King Ed- ward, bringing in Warwick wounded. K. Edw. So, lie thou there: die thou, and die our fear; 1 Bluntt dull of feeling. ^ Bend, le. direct * Ptuting, i.e. monstrous. 167 Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 2. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT V. Scene i. For Warwick waa a bug ^ that feared * us all. — Now, Montague, sit fast; I seek for thee, 3 That Warwick*s bones may keep thine com- pany. [Exit. War. Ah, who is nigh? come to me, friend or foe, And tell me who is victor, York or Warwick? Why ask I that? my mangled body shows, My blood, my want of strength, my sick heart shows, That I must yield my body to the earth. And, by my fall, the conquest to my foe. lo Thus yields the cedar to the axe's edge. Whose arms gave shelter to the princely eagle. Under whose shade the ramping lion slept, Whose top-branch overpeer'd^ Jove's spread- ing tree, 14 And kept low shrubs from winter's pow'rful wind. These eyes, that now are dimm'd with death's black veil. Have been as piercing as the mid-day sun, To search the secret treasons of the world: The wrinkles in my brows, now fill'd with blood, Were liken'd oft to kingly sepulchres; 20 War. Lo now my glory •meu'd in dnit and blood ! My pftriu, my wallu, my manon that I had. Sren now fonake me ; and of all my lands It nothing left me but my body's length I— (Act r. 1. S3-M.) For who liv'd king, but I could dig his grave? And who durst smile when Warwick bent his brow? 22 Lo now my gloiy smear'd in dust and blood! My parks, my walks, my manors that I had, Even now forsake me; and of all my lands Is nothing left me but my body's length! Why, what is pomp, rule, reign, but earth and dust? And, live we how we can, yet die we must. Enter Oxford and Somerset. Som. Ah, Warwick, Warwick! wert thou as we are, We might recover all our loss again: so I Bug, bugbear. < Feared, affrighted. ■ Overpeer'd, rose above. 158 The queen from France hath brought a puis- sant power; si Even now we heard the news: ah, couldst thou fly! * War. Why, then, I would not fly.— Ah, Montague, If thou be there, sweet brother, take my hand, And with thy lips keep in my soul awhile ! Thou lov'st me not; for, brother, if tho^ didst, Thy tears would wash this cold coteealed blood, ^ That glues my lips and will not let tee speak. Come quickly, Montague, or I ai%;^ead. Som. Ah, Warwick! Montague hath breath'd his last; 40 And to the latest gasp cried out for Warwick, And said, "Commend me to my valiant brother." Digitized by Google ACT V. Soene 8. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT V. Soena 4. And more he would liave said; and more he spoke, 43 Which sounded like a clamour in a vault, That iQought^ not be distinguished; but at last I well might hear, delivered with a groan, "0, farew^l, Warwick!" }yar. Sweet 2 rest his soul ! — Fly, lords, and save yourselves; For Warwick bids you all farewell, to meet in heaven. [Dies, Oxf. Away, away, to meet the queen's great power! [Exeuntf bearing of Warwick's body. Scene III. Another part of the field. Flourish, Enter King Edward in triumph; with Clarence, Gloster, and the rest. K. Edw, Thus far our fortune keeps an up- ward course, And we are graced with wreaths of victory. But, in the midst of this bright-shining day, I spy a black, suspicious, threatening cloud. That will encounter with our glorious sun Ere he attain his easeful western bed: I mean, my lords, those powers that the queen Hath raised in Gallia have arrived our coast, And, as we hear, march on to fight with us. Clar, A little gale will soon disperse that cloud, 10 And blow it to the source from whence it came: Thy very beams will dry those vapours up; For every cloud engenders not a storm. Glo. The queen is valued thirty thousand siroug. And Somerset, with Oxford, fled to her: If she have time to breathe, be well assured Her faction will be full as strong as ours. K, lilw. We are adv6rtis'd by our loving fronds That ^y do hold their course toward Tewks- biffy: We, havirijyiow the best at Bamet field, 20 Will thithdBtraight, for willingness rids way;' And, as we march, our strength will be aug- mented 1 iroii^t=inight. s Sweet, Bweetljr. > Rid$ way, dean a way. In every county as we go along. — Strike up the drum; cry, "Courage!" and away. [Exeunt. Scene IV. Plains near Tewksbury. March. Enter Queen Margaret, Prince Edward, Somerset, Oxford, and Soldiers. Q, Mar. Great lords, wise men ne'er sit and wail their loss. But cheerly seek how to redress their harms. What though the mast be now blown over- board. The cable broke, the holding-anchor lost. And half our sailors swallowed in the flood? Yet lives our pilot still : is 't meet that he Should leave the helm, and, like a fearful lad, With tearful eyes add water to the sea, And give more strength to that which hath too much ; Whiles, in his moan,^ the ship splits on the rock, 10 Which industry and courage might have sav'd ? Ah, what a shame ! ah, what a fault were this ! Say Warwick was our anchor; what of that? QAnd Montague our topmast; what of him? < Our slaughtered friends the tackles; what of s these?] < Why, is not Oxford here another anchor? Q And Somerset another goodly mast? The friends of France our shrouds and tack-^; lings?*] / And, though unskilful, why not Ned and I For once alloVd the skilful pilot's charge? We will not from* the helm to sit and weep; But keep our course, though the rough wind say no, 21 From shelves^ and rocks that threaten us with wreck. As good to chide the waves as speak them fair. Q And what is Edward but a ruthless sea? What Clarence but a quicksand of deceit? And Richard, but a ragged fatal rock ? All these the enemies to our poor bark. Say you can swim, — alas, 't is but awhile ! * In hit moan, amid his lamentation. * Tacklingt. pronounced as a tiisynable. * We will not from, i.e. we will not leare. 7 Shelves, sunken reefs. 159 Digitized by Google ACT V. KING HENRY VI.— PART IIL ACT V. Soene $. ^ Tread on the sand, — why, there you quickly ( sink ; so f Bestride the rock, — the tide will wash you off, jOr else you famish; that's a threefold death. ^This speak I, lords, to let you understand, j;If case* some one of you would fly from us, '^That there *s no hop*d-for mercy with the ^ brothers ^More than with ruthless waves, with sands, I and rocks. < Why, courage, thenl what cannot be avoided < T were childish weakness to lament or fear. ^ Prince, Methinks a woman of this valiant spirit Should, if a coward heard her speak these words, 40 Infuse^ his breast with magnanimity. And make him, naked, foil a man-at-arms. I speak not this as doubting any here; For did I but suspect a fearful man,' He should have leave to go away betimes; Lest in our need he might infect another. And make him of like spirit to himself. If any such be here, — as God forbid ! — Let him depart before we need his help. Oxf. Q Women and children of so high a courage, so 5 And warriors faint! why, 'twere perpetual shame. — ] O brave young prince ! thy famous grandfather Doth live again in thee : long mayst thou live To bear his image and renew his glories ! Som, And he that will not fight for such a hope. Go home to bed, and, like the owl by day, If he arise, be mock'd and wonder'd at. Q. Mar. Thanks, gentle Somerset; — sweet Oxford, thanks. Prince. And take his thanks that yet hath nothing else. Enter a Messenger. Mess. Prepare you, lords ; for Edward is at hand, «o Ready to fight ; therefore be resolute. Oxf. 1 thought no less : it is his policy To haste thus fast^ to find us unprovided. 1 CoH, perchance. s Ii\fuse, suffiue. > A /ear/ul man^ Le. a man fall of fear, a coward. 160 Som. But he's deceived ; we are in readiness. Q. Mar. This cheers my heart, to see your forwardne8& 65 ^Oxf. Here pitch our battle; hence we willj not budge. ] ^ Flourish and march. Enter, at some distance. Kino Edward, Clabencb, Globter, and Forces. QJT. Edw. Brave followers, yonder stands; the thorny wood. Which, by the heavens' assistance and your^ strength. Must by the roots be hewn up yet ere night I need not add more fuel to your fire, 70 > For well I wot ye blaze to bum them out: Give signal to the fight, and to it, lords. Q. Mar. Lords, knights, and gentlemen,^ what I should say My tears gainsay; for every word I speak, Ye see, I drink the water of mine eyes. ] Therefore, no more but this: — Henry, your sov'reign. Is prisoner to the foe; his state usurp'd. His realm a slaughter-house, his subjects slain. His statutes canoell'd, and his treasure spent; And yonder is the wolf that makes this spoiL You fight in justice: then, in God's name, lords, 81 Be valiant, and give signal to the fight [Exeunt both armies. Scene V. Another part of the same. Flourish. Enter Kino Edward, Clarence, Gloster, and Forces; with Queen Mar- OARET, Oxford, and Somerset, prisoners. K. Edw. Lo here a period* of tumultuous broils. Away with Oxford to Hammes Castle straight : For Somerset, oflf with his guilty head. Go, bear them hence; I will not hear them speak. Oxf. For my part, I 'U not trouble thee with words. Som. Nor I, but stoop with patience to my fortune. [Exeunt Oxford and Somerset, guarded > A period, an end. Digitized by Google ACT V. Seene 5. KING HENRY V1.-PART III. ACT V. Scene 5. Q. Mar, So part we sadly in this troublous world, To meet with joy in sweet Jerusalem. K, Edw. Is proclamation made, that who finds £dward Shall have a high reward, and he his life ? lo Glo. It is : and lo, where youthful Edward KiUer ,Soldiertj vnth Prince Edward. K. Echc. Bring forth the gallant, Itt us hear him speak. 12 What ! can so young a thorn begin to prick ? — Edward, what satisfaction canst thou make For bearing arms, for stirring up my subjects, And all the trouble thou hast tum'd me to? Glo. Sprawl'st thou? take that, to end thj ogonj. Clar. And there's for twitting me with peijury.— (Act v. S. 38, 4n.) Prince. Speak like a subject, proud ambi- tious York I Suppose that I am now my fathei-'s mouth; Resign thy cliair, and where I stand kneel thou. Whilst I propose the selfsame words to thee, 20 Which, traitor, thou wouldst have me answer to. Q. Mar. Ah, that thy father had been so resolv'd ! Oh. That you might still have worn the petticoat. And ne'er have stoPn the breech from Lan- caster. VOL. II. Prince. Let ^-Esoj) fable in a winter's night; His currish riddles sort not with * this place. Glo. By heaven, brat, I '11 plague ye for that word. Q. Mar. Ay, thou wast bom to be a plague to men. Glo. For Gotl'H sake, take away this captive scold. 0 Prince. Nay, take away this scolding crook- back rather. 30 K. Edtr. Petice, wilful boy, or I will cliarm* your tongue. 1 Sort not unth, suit not. s Charm, cast a spell on. 161 33 Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 5. KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT V. Scene 6. Clar, Untutor'd lad, thou art too malapert.^ Prince, I know my duty; you are all un- dutif ul : S3 Lascivious Edward, — and thou, perjur'd George, — And thou, mis-shapen Dick, — I tell ye all . I am your better, traitors as ye are; — And thou usurp'st my father's right and mine. K. Edw. Take that, the likeness of this railer here. \Stah$ him, Glo, Sprawl'st thou? take that, to end thy agony. [Stabs him. Clar. And there 's for twitting me with per- jury. [Stahs him^ Q. Mar, O, kill me too! 4i Glo, Marry, and shall. [Offers to kill her. K. Edw. Hold, Richard, hold; for we have done too much. Qlo, Why should she live, to fill the world with words? K. Edw. What, doth she swoon? use means for her recovery. Qlo, Clarence, excuse me to the king my brother; I '11 hence to London on a serious matter: Ere ye come there, be sure to hear some news. Clar, What? what? 49 Qlo. The Tower, the Towerl [Exit, Q. Mar. O Ned, sweet Ned! speak to thy mother, boy! Canst thou not speak? — O traitors! mur- derers!— They that stabb'd Caisar shed no blood at all. Did not offend, nor were not worthy blame. If this foul deed were by to equal it: He was a man; this, in respect,* a child, — And men ne'er spend their fury on a child. What's worse than murderer, that I may name it? No, no, my heart will burst, an if I speak: — And I will speak, that so my heart may burst — 60 Butchers and villains! bloody cannibals! How sweet a plant have you untimely cropp'd! You have no children, butchers! if you had. The thought of them would have stirr'd up remorse: But if you ever chance to have a child. I Malapert^ taiicy. s In respect, by comparison. 162 Look in his youth to have him so cut off 66 As, deathsmen,^ you have rid* this sweet young prince! K, Edw. Away with her; go, bear her hence perforce. Q, Mar, Nay, never bear me hence, dis- patch me here; [Uncovering her bosom] Here sheathe thy sword, I '11 pardon thee my death: 70 What, wilt thou not ? — then, Clarence,do it thou. Clar. By heaven, I will not do thee so much ease. Q. Mar, Good Clarence, do; sweet Clar- ence, do thou do it. Clar. Didst thou not hear me swear I would not do it? Q. Mar. Ay, but thou usest to forswear thyself : 'T was sin before, but now 't is charity. What, wilt thou not? — Where is that devil's butcher, Hard-favour'd Richard? — Richard, where art thou?— Thou art not here: murder is thy alms-deed; Petitioners for blood thou ne'er putt'st back. A'. Edw. Away, I say; I charge ye, bear her hence. 8i Q. Mar. So come to you and yours, aa to this prince! [Ejpitj led out, ^K. Edw. Where's Richard gone? < Clar, To London, all in post; and, as I^ guess, ( To make a bloody supper in the Tower. < K, Edw. He's sudden, if a thing comes in< his head. ) Nowmarch we hence : discharge the common sort s With pay and thanks, and let 's away to Lon- ' don, 88 S And see our gentle queen how well she fares, — I By this, I hope, she hath a son for me.] J [Exeunt Scene VI. London, A roam in the Tourer, Kino Henry sitting toith a hook in his hand, the Lieutenant attending. EtUer Gloster. Qlo. Good day, my lord. What, at your book so hard? s Deathumen, Le. executioners. « Rid, made away with. Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 6. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT V. Soeue 6. A". Hen. Ay, my good lord:— my lord, I should say rather; T is sin to flatter; "good" was little better: [ "Good Gloster" and "good devil" were alike. < And both preposterous; therefore, not "good ^ lord."] Olo. Sirrah, leave us to ourselves: we must confer. [B!xit Lieutenant. £, Hen. So flies the reckless shepherd from the wolf ; So first the harmless sheep doth yield his fleece, And next his throat unto the butcher's knife. — What scene of death hath Roscius now to act? 10 O'lo. Suspicion always haunts the guilty mind ; The thief doth fear each bush an oflicer. K. Hen. The bird that hath been limed ^ in a bush, With trembling wings misdoubteth every bush; And I, the hapless male to one sweet bird, Have now the fatal object in my eye Where my poor young was lim'd, was caught, and kiU'd. Olo. Why, what a peevish fool was that of Crete, That taught his son the office of a fowl ! And yet, for all his wings, the fowl was drown'd. 20 K. Hen. [[I, Daedalus; my poor boy, Icarus; Thy father, Minos, that denied our course; The sun, that sear'd the wings of my sweet . boy. Thy brother Edward; and thyself, the sea, / Whose envious gulf did swallow up his life.] Ah, kill me with thy weapon, not with words! My breast can better brook thy dagger's point Than can my ears that tragic history. But wherefore dost thou come? is't for my life? Olo. Think'st thou I am an executioner? 30 K. Hen. A persecutor, I am sure, thou art: If murdering innocents be executing. Why, then thou art an executioner. Olo. Thy son I kill'd for his presumption. 1 Limedf i.e. trapped. K. Hen. Hadst thou been kill'd when first thou didst presume, 35 Thou hadst not liv'd to kill a son of mine. And thus I prophesy, — that many a thousand. Which now mistrust no parcel of my fear,* QAnd many an old man's sigh and many a widow's, 39 And many an orphan's water-standing eye — Men for their sons, wives for their husbands' fate. And orphans for their parents' timeless death—] Sliall rue the hour that ever thou wast bom. The owl shriek'd at thy birth, — an evil sign; The night-crow 3 cried, aboding* luckless time; [[Dogs howl'd, and hideous tempest shook down trees; The raven rook'd her* on the chimney's top. And chatt'ring pies in dismal discords sung. ] Thy mother felt more than a mother's pain. And yet brought forth less than a mother's hope, — 60 QAn indigested and deformed lump, Not like the fruit of such a goodly tree.] Teeth hadst thou in thy head when thou wast bom. To signify thou cam'st to bite the world: And, if the rest be true which I have heard. Thou cam'st — Olo. I '11 hear no more: — die, prophet, in thy speech: [Stabs him. For this, amongst the rest, was I ordain'd. K. Hen. Ay, and for much more slaughter after this. so O God, forgive my sins, and paixJon thee ! [J>i€S. Olo. What, will th' aspiring blood of Lan- caster Sink in the ground ? I thought it would have mounteil. See how my sword weeps for the poor king's death! O may such purple tears be alway shed From those that wish the downfall of our house! — If any spark of life l)e yet remaining, « Which now, Ac, Le. "who now Imve no share in the apprehension which my fear (of you) causes." » Night-crew, raven. * Ahoding, presaging. 5 Rook'd her, perched. 163 Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 6. KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT V. UoMM 7. Down, down to hell; and say I sent thee thither, — [^Stabs him again. I, that have neither pity, love, nor fear. — Indeed, ^tis true that Henry told me of; For I have often heard my mother say 70 I came mto the world with my legs forward : Had I not reason, think ye, to make haste, And seek their ruin that usurp'd our right ? [[The midwife wonder'd; and the women cried, ' "O, Jesus bless us, he is bom with teeth I" 1 And so I was; which plainly signified 76 <' That I should snarl, and bite, and play the^^ dog.] I Then, since the heavens have shap'd my body so. Let hell make crook'd my mind to answer it. (Wo. See how my nword weep* for the poor kingi death !-(Acl v. 6. «S.) I have no brother, I am like no brother; j^ And this word "love," which greybeanls call divine. Be resident in men like one another, And not in me: I am myself alone.— Clarence, beware; thou keep'st me from the light: But I will sort* a pitchy day for thee; For I will buzz abroad such prophecies, That Edward shall l>e feaiful of his life; And then, to purge his fear, I '11 be thy death. King Henry and the prince his son are gone: L Sort, select, find. 1G4 C-larence, thy tuni is next, and then the rest; Counting myself but bad till I l)e best.— »J I '11 throw thy botstool of security. — <.V)me hither, Bess, and let me kiss my boy. — Young Ned, for thee, thine uncles and myself Have in our armours watch'd the winters night; Went all afoot in summer's scalding* heat. That thou mightst repossess the crown in I)eace: 19 And of our labours tliou shalt reap the gain. (Jlo. [ximie] I '11 blast his harvest, if your head were laid; For yet I am not look'd on in the world. This shoulder was ordain'd so thick to heave; And heave it shall some weight, or break my back : — {PoiiUiiig to hi$ head] Work thou the way, — [Stretching out his hatuf] and thou shalt execute. > ^0^ namely. 2 Scaldinj, )ili;it«rlng. A'. £dw. Clarence and Gloster, love my lovely queen ; And kiss your princely nephew, bix)thers both. ( 'lar. The duty that 1 owe unto your ma- jesty I seal upon the lips of this sweet babe. . Eliz. Thanks, noble Clarence; worthy brother, thanks. so (rlo. And, that I love the tree from whence thou sprang'st. Witness the lovdng kiss I give the fruit. — [Aside] To say the truth, so Judas kissVl his master. And cried **A11 hail I" whenas he meant all harm. A'. Edw. Now am I seated as my soul de- lights. Having my country's peace and brothers' loves. (7«r. What will your grace have done with Margaret? Reignier, her fatlier, to the king of Fi-ance Hath pawn'd the Sicils and Jerusalem, And hither have they sent it for her ran- som. 40 A'. Edw. Away with her, and waft her hence to France. — And now what rests, but that we spend tlie time With stately triumphs, mirthful comic shows, Such as befit the pleasure of the coui-t? Sound dnmis and trumi)et8l farewell sour annoy! For here, I hope, l>egins our lasting joy. [Ea;eunt, 165 Digitized by Google MAP TO ILLUSTRATE KING HENRY VI. PART IIL Digitized by Google NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PAET III DRAMATIS PERSONiE. 1. Hbkrt VI. lu this play the troablous reign and life of this unfortanate king are both brought to a conclusion. As to the manner of his death, it will perhaps be more conrenient to summarize the evidence on that point here. Fabyan and Hall, following common report, b<»th ascribe his death to the murderous hand of Glonce»ter. Hall's words are (p. 303): "Poore kyng Henry the sixte, a litle before depriued of his realme, and Imperiall Cronne, was now in the Tower of London, spoyled of his life, and all worldly felicitie, by Richard duke of Gloucester (as the constant fame ranne) which, to thintent that king Edward his brother, should be clere out of all secret suspicion of sodain innasion, murthered thesald kyng with a dagger." There is no allusion, in this play, to the circumstance which really was the immediate cause of King Henry's lieing removed out of the way of his rival, namely, the brief insurrection headed by Thomas Xtsville, commonly called the Bastard of Falconberg. This bold attempt to liberate Henry from captivity nearly succeeded. No doubt it impressed upon the most zealous partisans of Edward, that there was no real security for the House of York as long as Henry was alive. In a note, vol. iv. pp. 191, 192, Lin^^ai'd gives the evidence of two contemporary writers on tlie subject of Henry's death, one the Croyland historian, the other the author of the Harleian MS. 54S. They were both strong Yorkists; and appear to have been eye-witnesses of many of the events which they record, or, at any rate, to have had access to trustworthy sources of information. We translate the Latin of the original : " liay God spare and give space for repentance to him, whoever he was, that dared to lay sacrilegious hands on the Lord's anointed. Whence both the agent of the. tyrant, and the sufferer (jMtienaqtte) may deserve the title of glorious martyr." Continuation, Croyl. 666. I'he other writer merely gives the same account as that cir- culated by the friends of Edward, namely, that Henry died "of pure displeasure and melancholy." Altliough the dead body was exposed at St Paul's, no examination or inquiry as to the cause of death seems to have taken place. Holinshed (vol. iii. p. 324) says that the body bled in the presence of the beholders both at St Paul's and Blackf riars. The assassination is said to have taken place on 21st May, 1471. Those few writers who have sought to whitewash that execrable murderer, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, lay too much stress on the fact that it would appear, from the public accounts allowed in the exche- quer for the maintenance of Henry VI. and bis depen- dants in the Tower, that he lived until the 12th June. Linganl says in foot-note 1 (vol Iv. p. 192) that " they afford no proof that Henr}' lived till the 12th of June. The latest date of any particular charge is that of William Sayer for the maintenance of Henry and ten guards for n fortnight, beginning the 11th of May, and of course end- ing on the day on which the king is said to have been buried. The mistake arises from this, that Malone has taken the day of the month on which the accounts were allowed at the exchequer, for the day on which the ex- penses ceased." The account of these expenses is to be found in Rymer's Foedera, vol xi. p. 712. As to King Henry's personal appearance and his char- acter. Hall (p. 808) says: "Kyng Henry was of stature goodly, of body sldder, to which proporcion, al other mSbers wer correspondent: his face beautifull, in the which continually was resident, the bountie of myndtf; with whiche, he ^as inwardly endued. He did abhorre of his awne nature, all the vices, as well of the body as of the soule, and from his verie infancie. he was of honest conuersacion and pure integritie, no knowerof euill, and a keper of all goodnes : a dispiser of all thynges, whiche bee wonte to cause, the myndes of mortall menne to slide, fall, or appaire. Beside this, pacience was so radi- cate in Ids harte, that of all the iniuries to him committed, (whiche were no small nombre) he neuer asked vengeaunce nor punishment, but for that, rendered to almightie God, his creator, hartie thankes, thinking that by this trouble, and aduersitie, his synnes were to him forgotten and for- geuen." In the epigrammatic character of him, given In Baker's Chronicle (edn. 1648, p. 91), there are one or two sentences worth quoting: "His greatest imperfection was. that he had in him too much of the Logge, and too little of the Storke; for he would not move, but as he was moved, and had rather be devoured, than he would de- voure. ... By being innocent as a Dove, he kept his Crown upon his head so long; but if he had been as wise as a Serpent; he might have kept it on longer." There is no doubt that he was wanting in strength of character; but we may say of him that he was too virtuous a man to make a good king. 2. Edwakd, Prince of Wales, was bom at Westmin- ster, October 14th. 1468. From his mother he seems to have inherited beauty and courage; from his father sweetness of disposition and virtue. At the time of his birth his father, unhappily, was completely iucapncitated by bodily and mental illness. In one of the Fasten Letters (vol. i. p. 268, No. 196). dated 19th January, 1454, occurs the following account of the first presentation of the infant prince to his unhappy father: "As touchyng ty thynges, please it you to wite that at the Princes comyng to Wyndesore, the Due of Buk* toke hym in his armes and presented hym to the Kyng in godely wise, besechyng the Kyng to blisse hym; and the Kyng yave no maner answere. Natheless the Duk abode stille with Prince by the Kyng; and whan he coude no maner answere have, 1 i.r. the Duke of Buckingfluun. 167 Digitized by Google Dramatis Person NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. Dramatis Pexsoua. the Queene come in, and toke the Prince in hir annes and presented hym in like forme as the Duke had dune, desiryng that he sliuld btisse it; bat alle their labour was in veyne, for they departed thens without any answere or countenaunce savyiig only that ones he loked on the Prince and caste doune his eyene ayen, without any more." One of the first signs of his recovery was the interest he took in his little son. In a later letter (ut supra, p. SI5. Na 226), we read: *' And on the Moneday after noon tlie Queen came to him, and brought my Lord Prynce with her. And then he askid what the Princes name was, and the Queen told him Edward ; and tlian he hild up his hands and thankld Qod therof. And he seid he never knew til that tyme, nor wist not what was seid to him, nor wist not where he had be whils he hath be seke til now." It would seem that young Edward shared many of the dangers of his unhappy parents. The well-known story of the capture of the queen and her son by robbers, various versions of which exist, is thus narrated by Monstrelet (vol ii. p. 290): " I must mention here a singular adventure which befel the queen of England. She, in company with the lord de Varennes and her son, having lost tlieir way in a forest of Hainault, were met by some banditti, who robbed them of all they had It is probable the banditti would liave murdered them, had they not (|uarrelled about the division of the ^>oil, insomuch that from words they cnnie to blows: and, while they were fighting, she caught iter son in her arms and fled to the thickest part of the forest, where, weary with fatigue, she was forced to stop. At this moment she met another robber, to whom she in- stantly gave her son, and said; ' Take him, friend, and save the son of a king. The rubber received him willingly, and conducted them in safety toward tlie seasliore, where they arrived at Sluys, and thence tlie queen and her own son went to Bruges, where they were received moat honourably." After the battle of Towton, he accom- panied his father and mother to Scotland; whence, after a time, Henry sent the young prince with the queen into France. He was married, or, as some say. only affianced, to the second daughter of Warwick, the King-maker; a most extraordinary marriage, as the elder sister was already the wife of the Duke of Clarence, tlie son of the greatest enemy of the House of Lancaster. Hall (p. 281) thus refers to the marriage: " After that thei had long cdmoned, and debated diuerse matters, concernyng their suretie and wealthe. they determined by meane of the Frenche kyng, to conclude a league and a treatie betwene them: And first to begin with all. for the more sure foun- dacion of the newe amitie, Edward Prince of Wales, wedded Anne second daughter to therle of Warwicke, which Lady came with her mother into Fraunce." It is supposed that Warwick, by thus allying himself with both houses, hoped, during his lifetime, to hold the balance of power between them In his own hand. This unfortunate prince was taken prisoner after the battle of Tewksbury. Hall's account of his death is as follows (p. 801): "After the felde ended, kyng Edward made a Proclamatid. that who so euer could bring prince Edward to him alyue or dead, shoulde haue an annuitie of an.C. 1. [£100] duryng his lyfe, and the Princes life to be saued. Syr Richard Crof tes, a wyse and a valyaut knyght, nothing mistrusting the 168 kynges former promyse, brought f urth his prisoner prince Edward, beynge a goodly femenine and a well feautered yonge gentelman, whome when kynge Edward had well adtdsed, be demauuded of him. bow he durst so presump- tuously enter in to his Realme with banner displayed. The prince, beyng bold of stomacke and of a good courage, answered sayinge, to recouer my fathers kyngdome and enheritage, from his father and grandfather to him, and from him, after him, to me lyneally diuoluted. At which wordes kyng K«ke Edmund held a high command at the battle of Bamet, 1471. and at Tewksbury in the same year. In the latter he was taken prisoner and beheaded by order of Edward IV. See v. 6. 8: For Somerset, off with hU guilty head. This duke, like all his family— except the third duke, Henry, for a very short interval (see below, note 286)— was always faithful to the House of Lancaster; it was a great mistake, therefore, on on the part of the dramatist, to introduce him at the court of Edward IV. in act iv. sc 1. 6. Duke of Exeter. Henry Holland, son of John Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, was created Duke of Exeter, 1445, and held the offices of Constable of ilie Tower and Lord High Admiral. According to Holinshed. it was in the former capacity, that is, Constable of the Tower, that he played an important part in the arrest and execution of Suffolk. (See I Henry VI. note 10.) John Holland married Anne Stafford, widow of Edmund Mortimer, last Earl of March (see I. Henry VI. note IS); and of this marriage the subject of the present memoir was bom. He always remained faiUiful to the House of Lancaster, and was severely wounded at the battle of Bamet He succeeded to the second duke, and married Anne Plan- tagenet, sister of Edward IV. She obtained a divorce from him, and married Sir Tliomas St Ledger. The next year her unhappy husband, who had I>een detained in the custody uf Uie king, with a weekly allowance of half a mark (according to Lingard, vol. iv. p. 108). and whom PhUip de Comines said he saw suffering the greatest poverty, was found dead in the sea Ijetween Dover and Cttlais (according to Fabyan. p. 668); but how he came to his end was not known. •. Earl of Oxford. This was John de Vere, thirteenth Earl of Oxford, and Hereditary Lord Cliamberlain of Eng- land. He was descended from Aubrey de Vere, created Earl of Oxford in 1185 by Henry II. The ninth earl was one of Richard IL's favourites, and was created Duke of Ireland. He succeeded his father, John, the twelfth earl, his elder brother. AuUrey de Vere, having been beheaded in 1461 with his father, as narrated by Hall (p. 258): " In the whicbe Parliament, the Erie of Oxford farre striken in age and the Lord Awbrey Veer, his sonne aitd heire, whether it wer for malice of their enemies, or thei wer suspected, or had offended the Kyng, they bothe and diuerse of their counsailors, wer attainted and put to execucion, whiche caused Jhon erle of Oxford, euer after to rebell." Tlie dramatist alludes to these executions in lii. 8. 101- 105: Call him my kiiiK by whose injurioos doom My dder brother, the Lord Aubrey Vere. Was done to demth? and more than so. my father. Even in the doamfall or his meUow'd years When nature brought him to the door of death! At the second batUe of Bamet, April 14tii, 1471, Oxford, hi conjunction with the Marquisof Montague. Warwick's bro- tlier, conunanded the right wing of the Lancastrian army. A t first the division of tlie army, which Oxford commanded, pressed the wing of Edward's army opposed to it so hard, that a great many of the Yorkists fled towards Bamet and London, carrying the news of the defeat of the York- ists. Stow says in his description of the battle (p. 428), *' they fought in a thick mist from 4. of the clocke in y* morning till ten, diners times y* E. of Warwickes men supposed that they had got the victory of the field, but it happened that the earle of Oxfords men had a star with streams both Iiefore and behinde on their liueries, and King Edwards men had the sun with streames on their liuery; whereupon the earle of Warwickes men, by reason of the mist, not well disceming Uie badges so like, shot at the Earle of Oxfords men tliat were on their own part, and then the Earle of Oxforde and his men cried treason, and fled with eight hundred men." King Edward says (V. 5. 2): Away with Oxford to Hammes Castle straight. But he Uiere anticipates events. Oxford and Somerset fled towards Scotland, but changing their minds "turned into Wales, to Jasper erie of Penbroke" (Hall, p. 297). Stow says (p. 426): "Also sir John Vere Earle of Oxforde, that had withdrawne himselfe from Bamet flelde, first into Scotland, after into France, then getting much goods on the Sea, landed in the West countrey, and entred Snint Michaels Mount, with 77 men. tlie last of September, whereon he was by the kings appoyiitment, besieged by Bodrigan and other, bat with snch fauour. that the Earie reuictualled the Mount" Oxford surrendered ultimately, 1478, to Richard Fortescne, Sheriff of Comwall, who was sent to supersede Bodrigan. being in fear of treachery, on the promise of his life being spared. He wss sent, not to Onisnes. as Fabian and Stow say, but to the Castle of Ham in Picardy. where he was kept a close prisoner for twelve years. Fabyan (p. 663) says: "In all whiche season my lady his wyfe myght neuer be suffred to come vnto hym, nor had any thyng to lyue vpon, but as the people of their charites wold gyne to her. or what she myght get with her nedyll or other suche conynge as she excercysed." The rest of the iiieTn* ir of the Earl of Oxford will be found in note 16, Richard III. 7. Earl op Northumberland. Henry Percy, the ttiird carl, was the grandson of Hotspur; he succeeded to the title in 1455. his father Henry having been killed at the first battle of St Albans. The death of Northum- berland in company with Lord Clifford and Lord Stafford is alluded to by York. 1. 1. 4-9: Whereat the in'eat Lord of Northumberland, Whose warlike ears could nerer brook retreat, 169 Digitized by Google DmnuitiB Fttnonw. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART III. DranutU Pvnoam, Cheer 'd up the drooping army ; and himself. Lord Clifford, and Lord Sufford, nil abreast, CItarg'd our main battle's front, and, breaking In, Were by the swords of common soldiers slain. King Henry also alludes to it in the same scene, when, addressing the subject of the present memoir, he says (line 64): Earl of Northumberland, he slew thy father. He was the eldest son by his father's marriage with Eleanor Neville, daughter of Ralph, Earl of Westmor- land, by his second wife Joan Beaufort. He was IdUed at the battle of Towton. March 29th, 1461. He married Eleanor, daughter and coheiress of Richard Poynyngs, by whom he left an only son, Henry Percy, who succeeded him as fourth earL 8. Earl OF Wkstmorblan D. This was the second earl; he succeeded his grandfather, the celebrated Ralph Neville, who figures in I. Henry IV. and IL Henry IV. and Henry V. His father, John, Lord Neville, died 142S, having married Elioibeth Holland, daughter of Thomas, second Earl of Kent, and therefore connected with the Plantagenets through Joan, the mother of Richard II. (See Richard II. note 7.) By her he hud three sous: Ralph, the subject of tlie present meniuir; Sir John Neville, killed at Towton ; and lliomas. Ralph married Elisabeth Percy, widow of Lord Clifford and daughter of Hotspur, by whom he had only one son, who predeceased hia father. He married again Margaret, daughter of Sir Reginald Cobham, but by her had no issue; and on his death, in 1483. he was succeeded, as third earl, by his nephew Ralph Neville, son of the Sir John Neville slain ut Towton. 9. Lord Clifford. The young Clifford of IL Henry VI. was the son of Lord Clifford killed at the battle of St. Albans. (See II. Henry VI. note 9.) This Lord Clifford, after the cruel murder of young Rutland at the Imttleof Wakefield, was known by the title of "Butcher," tu which Gloucester alludes, ii. 2. 95 : Are you there, butcher f—O, I cannot speak! He was slain in the skirmish at Ferrybridge, Just before the battle of Towton in 1461. Hall gives the following account of the engagement (p. 253): "the lord Fawoon- bridge, syr Water Blont, Robert Home with the forward, passed the ryuer at Castelford. iii. myles from Ferebridge, entending to haue enuironed and enclosed the lord Clyf- ford and his cdpany, but they beyng therof aduertised, departed in great haste toward kyng Henries army, but they mete with some that they loked not for, and were nttrapped or they were ware. For the lord CUfTorde, either for heat or payne, putting of his gor^ot, so- dainly w* an arrowe, (as some say) without an hedde, was striken into the throte, and incontinent rendered hjrs spirite, and the erle of Westmerlandes brother and all his company almost were there slayn, at a place called Dintingdale, not farr fr6 Towton. This ende had he, which slew the yong erle of Rutland, kneling on his knees: whose yong sonne Thomas Clifford was brought vp w« a shepperJ, in poore habite, and dissimuled be- hauior euer in feare, to publish his lignage or degre, till kyng Henry the. vll obteyned the croune, and gat the diademe : by whome he was restored to his name and 170 poaaessions." Many romantic storiet of ihia sou, who was known as the Shepherd Lord, were pretenred in Cumberland up to very recent times. 10. Richard Plantaobmbt, Duke of York. See I. Henry VI. note 7, and IL Henry VI. note 4. 11. Edward, Earl of March, afterwards King Ed- ward IV., was bom April 29th, 1442. He derived the earldom of March from his grandmother, Anne Mortimer. (See I. Henry VI. note 13.) He seems to have displayed considerable military talent and great personal courage from a very early age. He was little more than eighteen when, on 10th July, 1400, he helped to defeat the Lancas- trians at Northampton. On the 24th December, in the same year, his father was killed at the battle of Wake- field, at which time Edward was raising forces in Wales, so tiiat he could not, as Shakespeare represents him. have been assisting his father in that battle. On 2nd Feb- raary, in the next year, 1401, he defeated Jasper Tudor at the battle of Mortimer's Ooas. after which he rapidly advanced on London, 'llie Lancastrians, under Queen Margaret, having defeated the Earl of Warwick and his forces on the 17th of the same month, failed to follow up their success ; and Edward, tmstlng to his own popular- ity and to the renown of his fatlier, boldly marched on London; he was received by tlie citizens with great Joy. and on March 4th was proclaimed king at Westminster HalL On the 29th of the same month he confirmed his title to the throne by his victory at Towton, and his coro- nation took place at Westminster Abbey on June 29tli in the same year. On May Ist, 1404. he was privately mar- ried to Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Woodville, Earl Rivers, and Jacqueline, the widow of the Duke of Bed- ford. (See I. Henry VI. note 2.) She was the widow of Sir John Grey, and a very beautiful woman. Her hus- band, who died of his wounds after the second battle of Si Albans, was in command of the cavalry on the Lan- castrian side. Edward's marriage to this lady gave very great offence, not only to his two brotliers. but also to the Earl of Warwick, who would have liked him to luive married his own daughter. There is no doubt that Ed- ward would never have married Lady Orey had the consented to listen to his dishonourable proposals ; but his passion got the better of his pradenee, and his im- patience would not allow him even to wait for a public marriage. At first every effort was made to conceal the union. Fabyan says (p. 054): "And so this maiyage was a season kept secret after, tyll iiedely it muste be dis- couer}'d A disclosed, by mesne of other whiche were ofTeryd vnto the kj-nge, as the queue of Scottes and other." Stories were invented that the king had been bewitched by philtres and magic; but, to do Edward Jus- tice, he seems to have insisted upon his queen being treated with proper respect ; while to all her family he showed the greatest favour, thus increasing the Jealousy of those who were before opposed to the marriage. This enmity soon made itself felt in a serioiu manner. In spite of the opposition of Edward, Warwick, with the as- sistance of his brother the Archbishop of York, secured the marriage of Clarence, who, in consequence of the queen not having borne any son to Edward, was still heir Digitized by Google Drmmatia Penome. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.-PART III. Dramatis Penonse. apparent to tlie throne, with Isabel, Warwick's eldest daughter. This was in 1409. At the very time this mar- riage was being celebrated an iuiurrevtiou lirolce out in Yorkshire under Robert Hillyard. commonly called Robin of Reilesilale. The rebels were defeated by the then Earl of Northumberland (Lord Montague), Warwick's brother: but he made no further effort to suppress the rebellion. Robin of Redesdale was executed on the field of battle; but other leailers were found, who were closely con- nected with Warwick's family, and the rebels now de- clared their object to be the removal from the king's councils of the queen's relations. Accusations of witch- craft were, in the meantime, freely circulated against the king's mother-in-law. The rebels increased every day in number, and Edward became alarmed at the extent of the movement. He sent letters to Clarence and War- wick, bidding them come to him with the usual retinue which they maintained in the time of peace; but they took no notice of the summons. In the meantime tlie Earl of Pembroke was advancing to Edward's aid with a body of about 10.000 Welshmen, closely followed by the Earl of Devon (Lord Stafford) witli a large force of archers. These two leaders, however, quarrelled ; and Pembroke, advancing towards Edgecote, was encountered by the rebels under Lord Fitz Hugh, and completely de- feated. The queen's father. Earl Rivers, and his son, Sir John Woodville, were both taken in the Forest of Dean, as well as the Earl of Devon; and all three were lieheaded. This disastrous defeat, coupled with the desertion of the greater part of his army, plunged Edward into the great- est distress, in which condition he was found by his brother and Warwick at Olney. They treated the king with outward respect, but he was removed to Middleham and made there virtually a prisoner under the custody of the Archbishop of York. At this time, then, there were two kings of England both imprisoned; but Warwick had not yet made up his mind to desert the house of York for the house of Lancaster. An army of Lancastrians having appeared under Sir Humphrey Neville in Scot- land, Warwick, after releasing the king from captivity, marched into the north, and defeated them. How Ed- ward obtained his liberty has always been, and will pro- bably always remain, a mystery. An apparent reconci- liation now took place between the king's party and that of Warwick; but it was only apparent; tor, in the ver>' next year, another insurrection broke out in Lancashire, which was fomented by Clarence and Warwick. The in- surgents being defeated, the tM o great intriguers became alarmed; and they succeeded in making their escape to Dartmouth, from which place, in April, 1470, they sailed fi>r France. The court of Lewis XI. now became the centre of fresh intriguea Here Clarence, Warwick, and Queen ^Lirgaret met The first acknowletlged Henry as his king: and Warwick, having induced Margaret to for- get or forgive the past, betrothed his younger daughter, Anne, to her son Prince Edward: and preparations were now made for the expedition with the object of restoring Henry to the throne. But during the course of these negotiations Clarence had l>ecome estranged from War- wick ; and so, in spite of the indolence which Edward unaccountably displayed at this crisis, pasting his time in gallantries and amusements while his enemies were making their formidable preparations against him. cir- cumstances were working in his favour; and his versa- tile brother was prepar ng for another grand coup of treachery. Events now followed with bewildering rapi- dity. Henry was restoiwl: Edwanl fied from England. Scarcely, however, bad the change been effected, or the Lancastrians had time to celebrate their victory, before Edward had again landed In England. The battles of Bamet and Tewksbury were followed by the murder of Henry, and the final re-establislmient of Edward on the throne took place. The latter events of his reign will l>e more fitly recorded in the notes to Richard III. IS. Earl of Rutland. He was the thirtl son of the Duke of York, bom May 17th, 1448. He was therefore seventeen years old, and not scarcely twelve, as Hall states, when he was killed on Wakefield Bridge by Lord Clifford, after his father's defeat in that fatal battle. Hall gives the following account of the mnrder of Rut- land (pp. 250. 261): " While this batUIIl was in fightyng, a prieste called sir Robert Aspall. chappelain and schole master to the yong erle of Rutland ii. sonne to the aboue named duke of Yorke, scace of y« age of . xiL yeres. a faire g^tlemi, and a maydenlike person, perceiuying y flight was more sauegard, then tarlyng, bothe for him and his master, secretly conueyed therle out of y« felde, by the lord Cliffordes bande, toward the towne, but or he coulde enter into a house, he was by the sayd lord Clifford espied, folowed, and taken, and by reMin of his ap- parell, demaunded what he was. The y6g gentelman dis- maied, had not a word to speake, but kneled on his knees imploryng mercy, and de8lr)-ng grace, both with holding vp his hiides and making dolorous countinance, for his speache was gone for feare. Saue hlni sayde his Chappelein, for he is a princes sonne, and penuluenture may do you good hereafter With that word, the lord Clifford marked him and sayde : by Gods blode, thy father slew myne. and so wil I do the and all thy kyn, and with that woord, stacke the erle to y* hart with his dagger, and bad his Chappeleyn here the erles mother & brother worde what he had done, and sayde. In this acte the lord Clyfford was accompted a tyraunt, and no gentelman, for the propertie of the Lyon, which is a furious and vnreason- able beaste, is to be cruell to them that withstande hym, and gentle to such as prostrate or humiliate them selfes 1>efore him." He was buried at Fotheringay by the side of his father. 18. (J SURGE, DuKK OF Clarenck. He was the sixth son of Richard, Duke of York : Iwm October 21st, 1449, at Dublin Castle. Upon the accession of his brother to the throne, 1461, he was created Duke of Clarence, and K.G. He was also appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ire- land. His union with Isabella Neville, eldest daughter of the King-maker, placed him more entirely under that nobleman's power than any of his brothers. He distri- buted his treacheries impartially between Yorkists and Lancastrians. His desertion of the cause of the Yorkists, which he had deliberately adopted, his treachery to Henry, from whom he had received honour and rewards, and his cowardly duplicity to his father-in-law have 171 Digitized by Google Drmmatis PenoiuB. NOISES TO KING HENRY VL— PART III. Dnuiiatit PenoiuB. ooYered his name with infamy. His memoir will be more properly completed in the notes to Richard II L 14. Richard, Duke of Gloucbstbr, was the eighth son of the Duke of York. It most be remembered that four of the Duke of York's sons died young, so that George and Richard are generally called the third and fourth sons respectively. Richard was bom at Fotheringay Castle, October 2nd. 1452 ; with his brother George he was taken by his wi- dowed mother after the battle of Wakefield to the court of Philip. Duke of Burgundy, where they remained till 1461. Richard distinguished himself, it is true, both at Bamet and Tewksbury; but he took no part in the battles of Wakefield, Mortimer's Cross, or Towton. He was created Duke of Gloucester, 1461. The rest of bis career will be more fitly treated of in the notes to the play in which he is the principal character. 16. DuKB OF Norfolk. John Mowbray, fourth Duke of Norfolk, was the son of John Mowbray, the third duke, and great-grandson of the Thomas ^fowbray who figures in Richard II. (See note 6 of that play.) He was the last male descendant of his race, and died 1475. He married Elizabeth Talbot, daughter of John, second Earl of Shrewsbury, and granddaughter of the great general By her he had one child, a daughter, Anne Mowbray, who was affianced to the second son of Edward IV., Richard, Duke of York, when a mere infant, January 15th, 1477. The child-bride died 1482, the year before her husband was niurdeied by his uncle. The estates and honours of the Mowbrays descended to Juhii Howard, the son of Sir Robert Howard, and Margaret Mowbray, the eldest daughter of the Duke of Norfolk in Richard II. John Howard was created Duke of Norfolk, 1483. and plays an important part under that title in the play of Richard III. 16. Marquess of Montagu was Sir John Neville, the third son of Richard. Earl of Salisbury. (See II. Henry VI. note 10.) He was brother of the King-maker and of tiie Archbishop of York. He was created Lord Montagu, 1461. He was also made warden of the East Marches of Scotland. He was also made, for a brief period. Earl of Northumberland, thus acquiring with the title the estates of the Percies, Earis of Northumberland. But upon the restoration of the youthful Henry Percy (see above, note 7) King Edward compensated him for the loss by creating him ^larquess of Montagu, 1470. It ap- pears that this deprivation of the valuable estates which had been conferred on him. and being given in return only an empty title, determined John Neville to Join his brother in the desertion of Edward's cause. He was killed at the battle of Bamet^ 1471. Scow says (p. 423;: "The Marques Mountacute was priuily agreed with king Edward and had gotten on his liuery, but one of his bro- thers the earle of Warwicks men espying this, fell upon him and killed him." The Marquess of Montagu married Isabella, daughter of Sir Edmund lugoldsthorp. and left by him two sons and five daughters, llie eldest son, George Neville, was created in 1469, by Edward IV., Duke of Bedford, and was promised in marriage the king's eldest daughter, the Princess Elizabeth; but he was de- 172 graded from his rank at his father's attainder, and died 1488. (See French, p. 191.) 17. Earl of Warwick. See II. Henry VI. note 11. U. Earl of Pbmbrokk. It seems that at this time there were two Earls of Pembroke; one being Jasper Tudor, uterine brother of Henry VL, created earl, 145S. He was a zealous Lancastrian; therefore the Earl of Pem- broke, in this play, must be William Herbert, soa of Sir William Ap Thomas Herbert, knighted by Hennr V., and his wife Gladys, daughter of Sir David Gam (who distin- guished himself at the battle of AgincourtX and widow of Sir Roger Vaughan, who was killed at the same battle. Davif Gam, esquire, as he is called in Henry V. iv. a 100, had married a sister of Owen Glendower. Willfaun Her- bert was a faitlif ul adherent of the House of York. Im- mediately on the accession of Edward IV. to the throne the king made him one of his council. He is mentioned as being present at the ilelirery of the seals to the Bishop of Exeter on his appointment as chancellor on March 10th, 146L Gn May 8th of the same }ear William Herbert was made Chief Justice and Chamberlain of South Wales; and other important offices in the shires of Carmarthen and Cardigan were conferred upon him; and, in Septem- ber of the same year, all the possessions in South Wales of Humphrey, Duke of Buckingham, were bestowed on him. On November 4th of the same year he was made a baron, at the same time that the king's brothers were made Dukes of Chuvnoe and Gloucester respectively. In February, 1462, he was granted the castle, town, and lordship of the town of Pembroke. In the same year he was made K.G. King Edward continued to heap favours upon him; and on May 27th, 1468, he was made Eari of Pembroke. In July, 1469, having been sent !•> the king with 18.000 Welslimen against the rebels in tlte north, be met Humphrey, Lord Stafford of Southwick, who had been sent with a body of archers to co-operate with him. The two lords with their united forces m ere quartered in Banbury; but a quarrel having arisen between the two leaders concerning some maid of an inn,i Stafford refused to co-operate with Pembroke; the latter, however, at- tacked the rebels next day at Danesmoor. near Edgecote, about three miles from Banbury. He was entirely defeated, and with his brother. Sir Richard Herbert, was taken prisoner, and executed at Banbury. Of the bravery of the two brothers in battle Hall thus speaks (p. 274): "Therle of Penbroke behaued hymself like a hardy knight, and expert capitain, but his brother sir Richarde Herbert so valiauntly acquited hymself, that with his PoUeaxe in his hand (as his enemies did afterward reporte) he twise by fine force passed through the battaill of his aduersaries, and without any mortall wounde returned." By his wife, Anne, daughter of Sir Walter d'Evreux, the earl had issue four sons: William, who succeeded him; 1 " The erie of Pembroke and the lordc Staflbrd of Southwike, wer lodffed at Banbery the daie before the feld. whiche was salnct Jjunes daie. and there the crle of Pembroke, put te the Lorde Stafforde out of an Inne. wherein he deU};hted muche to be. for the loue of a damosell that dwelled in the house: contrary to their mutual a^re- raent by them taken, whiche wav thnt whosoeuer obtdned first a lotlgyng, should not be decciucd nor remoued" (Hall. p. 374). Digitized by Google DramatiB Pwmuub. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. Dramatis Paraoiue. Sir Walter, wlio married Anne, daughter of Henry Staf- ford, wcond Duke of Baolciugham; and two other^Qeoree and nuUp. He also had six daughtere, of whom the yooDgest married Thonuw Talbot, Viscount Lisle, grandson of the great Earl of Shrewsbury. He also left an illegiti- mate son, Sir Richard Herbert, of Ewyas, from whom the present Earls of Pembroke are descended. 19. Lord Kktynsoa. Sir William Hastings, or properly De Hastings, was the eldest son of Sir Leonard De Uast- ingSk descended from William De Hastings, who was steward to King Henry I. Sir Leonard married Alice, danglrter of Thomas, Lord Camoys. Sir William was the first Lord Hastings, and was one of the most faitliful adherents both of Riciiard, Duke of York, and his son Edward IV., who, when he came to the throne, was not unmindful of Sir William's services, and bestowed upon him many manors and important offices. He was raised to the peerage, in li61, by the title of Baron Uasthigs of Ashby de la Zonch, and made a Kniglit of the Garter in 1462: he was subsequently appointed ambassador to Lewis XL of France. He married Catherine, widow of Lord Bonville and daughter of Richard Neville, Earl of Salis- bury. But though he was by this marriage brother-in-law to Warwicic, the King-maker, when that powerful noble- man espoused the cause of Henry VL in 1470, he remained faithful to the house of York. After tlie battles of Barnet and Tewksbury, in which he took an important part, he was made Captain of Calais; though he appears to have been on very Ijad terms with the family of the Woodvilles, especially Queen Elizabeth's brothers, yet he was devoted to the young Edward V. His opposition to the ambition of Richard drew upon him the enmity of that usurper; ami he was beheaded, without any form of trial, June IStli, 1483, on Tower HilL He left four sons and one daughter. His eldest son, Edward, became Lord Hunger- ford in right of his wife; and was even knighted by Richard IIL, 1483; but when Henry VII. came to the throne he wns restored to all his father's estates and honours, so that his allegiance to his father's murderer could only have been temporary. William, Lord Hast- ings, was buried at Si George's Chapel, Windsor, by the side of the king to whom he had been so devoted. 90. Lord Stafford. Sir Humphrey Stafford, generally known as Lord Stafford of Southwick, a cousin of the two brothers Stafford killed in Jack Cade's rebellion (see II. Henry VI. note 14X was the son of William Staf- ford and Catharine, daughter of Sir John Cheddiock, knight Sir Humphrey was created Lord Stafford of Southwick, 1464; and in 1469 he was named, but not created. Earl of Devonshire by Edward IV. (see Holin- shed, vol iii. p. 291X His quarrel with the Earl of Pem- broke before the battle of Danesmoor has been already mentioned above (note 18): he escaped after the battle, but before long was captured and brought to Bridge- water, where he was beheaded. Lord Stafford was mar- ried to Isabel, daughter of Sir John Barre; but had no fasne. H», as well as Pembroke, is a pertona muta in this play. 2L Sir John Mortimbr and Sir Hugh Mortimer. Of these two characters nothing more is known than t\te mention of them as haring l>een killed at the battle of Wakefield. They are called " the two bastard uncles of the Duke of York;" but it does not appear who their father was. S8. Lord Rivbrs was Sir Antony Woodvile, eldest son of Woodvile, Lieutenant of the Tower in I. Henry VI. (see note 19 of that playX He succeeded to the title in 1469. Btrfore that he had been known as Lord Scales, having married Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of the Lord Scales of II. Henry VI. (see note 12 of that play). Througli his mother, Jacqueline, widow of the Duke of Bedford (see I. Henry VL note 2), he was descended from Henry III. of England. He figures as Earl Rivers in Richard III. He was most faithful to his royal brother- in-law, and to his young son, the Prince of Wales, to whom he was appointed governor. His fidelity made him an object of detestation to Riciiard. At the time of tlie death of Edward IV. Lord Rivers was with tlie young Prince of Wales at Ludlow. Immediately his younjj charge was declared king, under the title of Edward V., he and Lord Grey conducted their young suvereign on his road to London; and Gloucester having arrived at North- ampton, Rivers and Grey lost no time in going there to welcome him in the name of the young king. They were received with every distinction; but the next day, while riding in company with Gloucester and Buckingham to Stony Stratford, where the king was, Richard suddenly accused Rivers and Grey of having tried to excite his nephew's mind against him. They were at once arrested, and were conveyed under strong guard to Pomfret Castle. There Rivers seeiiiii to have been kept in custody till nearly the end of June the same year, 14S3. when he was put to death; Grey, Hastings, and others having been previously beheaded. Lord Rivers married, first, Eliza- beth, the daughter of Lord Scales, as already mentioned; secondly, Mary, daughter and heiress of Henry Fitz-Lewis; but he had no issue by either marriage. t8. Sir William Stanley was the second son of Thomas, first Lord Stanley (see II. Henry VI. note 16). He is generally called Sir William Stanley of Holt, from his chief residence, Holt Castle, in Denbighshire. In 1460, on the attainder of Lord Clifford, Edward IV. gave him the lordship and castle of Skipton, in Yorkshire. The only scene in which he is introduced is scene 4 of act v., where the dramatist has followed Hall in representing him as taking an important part in aiding Edward to escape from Middleham Castle, where the Yorkist king was kept in honourable custody by the orders of War- wick. Hall's account of the matter is as follows: " Kyng Edward beyng thus in captluitie, spake euer fayre to the Archebishop and to the other kepers, (but whether he corrupted them with money or fayre promises) he had libertie diners dayes to go on huntynge. and one day on a playne there met with hym syr William Stanley, syr Thomas of Borogh, and doners other of hys f redes, with suche a great bend of men, that neither his kepers woulde, nor once durst moue him to retorne to prison agayn" (p. 275X The most probable account of this escape of Eel- ward's, which, as has been already said (see above, note 11), is Involved in mystery, is that Warwick found him- self nnable to obtain the levies which he was raising iu 173 Digitized by Google DnmatiB Penonn. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. DnnuUii EdwMrd's nAine m lung as he kept the inonai-uh Id ft kind of secret captivity; and, ttierefore, Edward's release from honourable conflnemeut was, directly or Indirectly, the act of Warwick. Sir William SUuley is mentioned in Richard 111. iv. 5. 10, as being among those "of noble fame and wortli" who joined Richmond. The assistance which he rendered Richmond at the battle of Boswurth helped very materially to bring about the defeat of Rich- ard. After Henry was crowned king he made Sir William a Knight of the Garter and Lord Chamberlain; but the great services he had rendered the king could not save his life, when he was accused of liaving at least coun- tenanced the conspiracy of Perkin Warbeck. It does not appear that Stanley did anything more than say that, if Warbeck was really the Duke of York, he would not draw his sword against him. But, unfortunately for him, he was one of the kiug's wealthiest subjects; and the cupidity of Henry VII. made him covet Stanley's large estates. Sir William was beheaded on Tower Hill, 1496; and all his possessions were confiscated. He was married to Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Hopton, and had one son. Sir William Stanley. He left one daughter, Joan, married to Sir Richard Brereton, of Tatton, in Cheshire. M. Sir John Muntgomert should be Sir Thonuu Mont- gomery, second son uf Sir John Montgomery by Elizabeth, his wife, sister of Ralph Boteler. Lord Sudeley. His elder brother. Sir John, was beheaded in the third year of Edward IV. Sir Thomas, like his brother, had been attached to the cause of Henry VI., to whom he had been esquire of the body; but he seems to have deserted the side of the Yorkists, and to have become one of the most favoured counsellors of Edward IV., who appointed him to various offices, including that of Treasurer of Ireland fur life. He accompanied Edward to France, and when the king returned from his brief exile in France and landed at Ravenspurg, Sir Thomas was among those who joined him at Nottingham, as Hall narrates (p. 292): "where (at Nottingham) came to him (King Edward) syr William Pnrre. syr Thomas a Borogh. syr Thomas Montgomerle, and diners other of hys assured frendes with their aydes." De Comines speaks of the confidential position which he occupied with the king, for whom he acted as ambassador to Louis XI. He was selected to escort Queen Margaret to France, 1475. He seems to have been a political Vicar of Bray, for he was knight of the body to Richard III. and found favour also with Henry VI T. He died peaceably, Janusry llth, 1495. He was twice married, but had no issue by either of his wives. His sister, Alice, became his heir (see French, p. 198). S5. Sir John Somerville. This character has not been Identified with any historical personage. In The True Tmgedy he is called simply Summerfleld, and in Ff. Somervile. It was Capell who first called him Sir John Somerville, it does not appear why. French says (p. 199): "This knight prolmbly belonged to the ancient family of Somerville, seated at Wichnor, co. Stafford, and at Aston- Somerville In the county of Gloucester, soon after the conquest." 86. Tutor to Rutland. The name of this character is known to us from the oassage from Hall already quoted 174 in the memoir of the Earl of Rutland. (See above, note 12.) There is no reason why he should not be called by his name in the Dramatis Personse. French says (p. 800): " The Aspftlls were of an old family and well allied." 87. Mator of York. According to French (p. 200) (quoting from Drake's Eboracum): "This official was Thomas Beverley, Merchant nt the Staple; he was Sher.ff Qf the City of York, in 1451, and Lord Mayor in 1400, and again in 1471, the date of King Edward's visit" In The True Tragedie (Hazlitt's Shakespeare Library. voL ii. pi 2, p. 81) he is rightly called " the Lord Maire of Yorke ;" and is addressed as " my Lord Maire " both by Edward and by Lord Hastings. In Ff. he is simply called Mayor. 88. Lieutenant of the Tower. This character ap- pears in act iv. scene 6, and in act v. scene 6. But strictly speaking, they would, probably, be different per- sonages. There were two chief officers of the Tower, the Constable, who was generally a nobleman of high rank, and the Lieutenant, who had practical charge of the prisoners. French (p. 201) hazards the astonishing con- jecture, that the lieutenant in act iv. scene 6, was John Til)etoft, or Tiptoft, first Earl of Worcester, who was appointed Constable of the Tower by Edward IV. at his accession. It is scarcely possible that any dramatist would so unnecessarily have violated facts as to make Henry address this man, who was infamous for his cruel- ties, in such a friendly manner as he does In the scene above mentioned. In 1470 Tibetoft earned the nickname of " Butcher " for tlie abominable cruelties and barbari- ties Inflicted by him upon the unfortunate prisoners who were delivered to hlin for execution after the defeat of Sir Robert Welles and his forces at the battle of Erplng- ham in that year. (See Lingard, vol. iv. p. 175, and foot-note 2.) Tibetoft was the only person put to death on tlie brief return of Henry to power in October, 1470. The lieu- tenant^ In act V. scene 6, French thinks was John Sutton, Lord Dudley, who succeeded the Earl of Worcester as Constable. 89. A Nobleman. The term nobleiqm was not confined, in Shakespeare's time, to members of the peerage. It in- cluded knights and bannerets. French thinks that this nobleman, who appears in act Hi. f^rene 2, where he comes to report to Edward the capture of King Henry, was "Sir James Harrington, whose ser^'ants captured the unhappy monarch during his retreat In the north, at Waddington Hall "(p. 202). 80. Queen Margaret. See I. Henry VI. note 27. 31. Ladt Grey, afterwards queen to Edward IV. Eliza- beth Wood vile was bom 1437. She married Sir John Grey, eldest son and heir of Edward, Lord Gi-ey of Groby. (See I. Henry VI. note 19, and above, note 11.) She was, therefore, twenty-seven years old when her marriage with the king took place, 1464. Her first husband died Feb- ruary 28th, 1461, from the wounds which he received in tlie second battle of St Albans, where he led the queen's cavalry. By a singular mistake the dramatist has said (ill. 2. 6, 7): In quan^ of the house of York The worthy Kentleman did lose his Ufe. The tree In Whittlebury Forest, near Grafton, under Digitized by Google Dnanatia Penoiue. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT I. Soeue 1. which Elizabeth waited with her two yomig soni to peti- tion King Edward for the restitution of their father's lands, is still known as the Queen's Oak. The memoir of this unfortunate lady will be more appropriately con- cluded in Richard XXL 82. Bona. The princess Bona or Bonne of Savoy was the third daughter of ]>>ui8, first Duke of Savoy. He was created duke in 1440. Her eldest sister Charlotte was married to Louis XI. It also appears that her brother, Am^^, Duke of Savoy, was married to Yolande, sister of Louis XI.; so that she was doubly related to the king. There seems to be little authority among contemporary writers for the incident of Warwick being sent to demand from Louis the hand of his sister-in-law Bona for Edward. Tiie dramatist, however, took the incident from Hall (p. 263): " he came to kyng Lewes the . XI. tlien beyng Frenche kyng, liyng at Tours, and with greate honor was there receiued. and honorably interteined: of wlio, for kyng ISdward his master, he demaunded to haue in mskritkie the Lady Bona, doughter to Lewes duke of Sauoy, and snster to the Lady Carlot, then French Quene, beyng then in the Frenche court." She says, ill. 3. 227, 228: Tell him. In hope he 11 prove a widower shortly, 1 'U wear the willow-garland for his sake. Bat she did not keep her word, as she married Oaleazzo, Duke of Milan, 1468, and died in 1486. ACT I. Scene 1. SS.— The action of this scene, as Johnson remarked, follows immediately upon that of the last scene of the foregoing play. The events of five years have been passed over unnoticed by the dramatist. The battle of St AI- ban's was fought May 22nd, 1455-. York was recognized heir to the throne in Parliament, October 1460. The history of the intervening period is little more than that of York, Salisbury, and Warwick. Most of it has already been given in II. Henry VI. notes 10 and 11. In June, 1460. Salisbury. Warwick, and Marcli landed with 1600 men in Kent, wliere Cobham Joined tliem with 400, and they advanced towards London, which opened its gatea Henry had collected an army at Coventry, and advanced to Northampton, where he intrenclied liiroself. Warwick sought a conference with the king, but this being refused, a battle was fought on July 10th. Lord Grey of Ruthyn, who was on the king's side, ttetrayed his trust, and Intro- duced the Yorkists within the royal camp. The battle lasted from seven o'clock till nine. About 10.000 fell. Hall says, and the king was captured. Among the slain were the Duke of Buckingham nn«l tlie Earl of Shrews- bury. Somerset and others fled with the queen and Prince Edward, and ultimately reached Scotland. Henry was brought to London, Warwick riding bareheaded before him into the city. " During this trouble," says Holinshed (p. 261), " a par- lement was summoned to begin at Westminster, in the moneth of October next following. '* In the meane time the duke of Yorke, aduertised of all these things, sailed from Dubline towards England, and landed at the red bank n^re to the ciUe of Chester, with no small compauie: and from Chester by long iour- nies he came to the citie of London, which he entred tlie fridaie before the feast of S. Edward, the Confessor, with a sword borne naked before him, witli trumpets also sounding, and accompanied with a great traine of men of armes, and other of his fronds and seruants. At his comming to Westminster he entred the palace, and pass- ing foorth directUe through the great hall, staled not till he came to the chamber, where the king and lords vsed to sit in Uie parlement time, cdmonlie called the vpper house, or chaml)er of the p^res, and being there entred, stept vp vnto the throne roiall, and there laieng his hand vpon the cloth of estate, seemed as if he meant to take possession of that which was his right . . . and after withdrawing his hand, turned his face towards tho people. . . . "Whilest he thus stood, . . . the archbihhop of Can- turburie Ci'homas Bourcher) came to him, & . . . asked him if he would come and see the king. Witli wliich demand he s^ming to take disdaine, answered breefelie . . . thus: I remember not that I know anie within this realme, but that it bes^emeth him rather to come and s^ my person, than I to go and s^e ids. . . . " Maister Edward Hall in his chronicle maketh mention of an oration, which the duke of Yorke vttered, sitting in the regall seat. . . . During the time (saitli he) of this parlement, the duke of Yorke with a bold counten- ance entered into the chamber of the peerea, and sat downe in the throne roiall, vnder the cloth of estate (which is the king's peculiar seat)." M. Line 1 : I vfonder how the king escap'd our hands.— It is not plain whether, at the opening of this scene, the authors were thinking of the battle of St. Albans or of X6rthampton. But in either case the statement in these three lines is imaginary. Henry was actually captured by the Yorkists after both battles. His escape is an inci- dent in the chroniclers' accounts of the battle of Hex- ham, 1464. 86. Lines e-9.-See IL Heniy YL note 8S6. 86. Line 8: Charged our MAIN BATTLE'S /rowt—Cf. Hall (p. 250), of the battle of Wakefield ; " The duke of Somer- set and other of the queues part . . . appointed the lorde Clifford, to lye in the one stale, i and the Erie of Wilshire in the other, and thei theimselfes kept the mayne battaiU." The usual military term for the main body of the army is "the centre." »/. Lines 10, 11, 14.— According to Hall (p. 283) " Hum- frey duke of Buckyngham, beyng wounded, & lames Butler erle of Wiltshire from the older sithen, whence also by addition of adverbial s, or ce came sithence or sithens, now contracted to ** since." Sith occurs in Ezek. xxxv. 6; sithence is used by Shake- speare in Coriolanus, ill. 1. 47. and in All's Well.i. 3. 124. 68. Lhie 114 : Tear the crown, father, from the usurper^ s head.— In F. 1 the line stands: Father ttare the Cnmrnt from the Vsurpets Head. Hanmer made the transposition in the text, which cer- tainly improves the rhythm of the line. 50. Line 120: K. HEN. Peace, thou! and give King Henry leave to speak. —The Quartos, followed by Lettsom and Hudson, give this line to Northumberland, whom it would very well suit. But other such brief outbursts are put in Henry's mouth in these plays. It is the persistence in any manly course of action which would be out of character in his case, and not the momen'.ary assamption of authority 60. Line 131: BUT prove it, Henry, and thou thalt be Hn^.— This is the reading of F. 2; F. 1 omits But Digitized by Google ACT I. Soeoe I. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT I. Sc«ne L tL Line 144: T*hink you *twere prejudicial to his crown ? — Johmon proposed "to his son;" a mistake, ai Richard was childless. 88. Lines 170-175.- Hall says (p. 249X "After long argu- mentes made, and deHL>erate cosultacid had eniong the peerea, prelates, and commons of the realme: vpon the Tigile of an sainctos, it was condescended and agreed, by the three estates, for so niuche as kyng Henry had been taken as kyng, by the space of xxxviii . yeres and more, that he should Inloye the name and title of Kyng, and haue possession of the realme, dnryng his life naturall : And if he either died or resigned, or forfeted thesame, for infringing any poynt of this concorde, then the saied Cronne and aucthoritie royal, should immediatly bee diuoluted to the Duke of Yorke, If he tlien liued. or els to the next heire of his line or linage, and tlmt the duke from thensefurth, should be Protector and Regent of the lande." Sucli an arrangement could hardly have been expected to be permanent, and this is suggested below, line 190. 6S. Line 1S6: And T>re IN BANDS, /or this unmanly deed! —This same expression occurs in Marlowe's Edward II. (Works, p. 202): Weaponless most I fall, and dif in bamis. 64. Line 103: Whom I UNNATURALLY shaU disinherit — This line we have retoiined in spite of its utterly bad rhythm, as the whole passage is talcen. witli hardly an alteration, from Tlie True Tragedie. It might liave been expected that Shakespeare, in the revision, would have written " Whom I unnatural siiull disinherit" The same scansion occurs below, v. 1. 86 65. Line 196: Conditionallt that here thou take an oath. — Compare Marlowe. Doctor Faustns (Works, p. 86): But yet coutiitionaUy tli.it thou perforin All articles. The rhythm would be improved by reading conditional, the nse of adjective for adverb being common enough in Shakespeare's time. The frequent unrhythmical lines retained in this part of the play from The True Tragedie anggest that the revision was somewhat carelessly carried out 66. Line 205: Sennet~ie. a set of notes played on the trumpet or comet It was not the same as a " flourish." for Nares cites from Dekker's Satiromastix (Works, vol. i. p. 222) the stage direction "Trumpets sonnd a/omA, and then a sennate" 67. Line 212: / 'U steal away. K. Hen. So, EXETER, wiU I. F.lhas lie steale away. Henry. Exeter so will I. The arrangement of words is the same as in line 80 above: Exeter, thou *rt a traitor to the crown. But in this place the line would be very awkward for the speaker, and we have adopted Pope's correction. 68. Une 218: Seeing thou hast prov'd so unnatural a VOL. II. father.— X most unmusical line. The scansion is pro- bably "Seeing th6u \ hast pr6v'd," «tc. Seeing, used adverbially, goes for a monosyllable often in Marlowe, Greene. Ac, and is so in line 247 below, but not else- where in Shakespeare. Though tlie line is found onlj in Ff.. we can hardly think it to be his. 66. Line 224: Rather than made that savage duks tkitu heir.—¥. 1 reads: Rather then Aaue made that sauage Duke thine Iteire, where, perhaps, rather may be pronounced as a mono- syllable. The correction of F. 2, which we have adopted, seems decidedly preferable. 70. Line 233: And GIV*N unto the house of York sttek HEAD.— For tliis horseman's phrase compare also Taming of the Slirew, i. 2. 2^9: GHfe hini ktati; I know he ll prove a jsAe : and Richard II. iii. & 12, la 71 Lines 288-240: Warudek is chancellor, and the lord qf Calais; Stem Faleonbridge commands the narrow seas; The duke is made protector oj the reaiin. In the parliament that followed the l)attle of Si Albans, says Hall (p. 233), "the duke of Vork was made protec tor of the Realme, and therle of Salisbnr}', was appoynted to be Chauncellor, and had the greate seale to hym deliuered: and the erle of W^arwicke, was elected to the offlce of the capitain of Calice, and the teriitories of the same." William Neville. Lord Faleonbridge, was War- wick's uncle and Salisbury's brother, being the ieooB4 son of Ralph, Earl of Westmorland. According to Holin- shed. he "had the towne and castell [of Calais] in k^i>- ing" (p. 253). Edward made him Earl of Kent in 1461. In the next year he was " appointed to kdepe the seas " (Holinshed, p. 279, quoting from Stowe). The allusion in the text Is inaccurate, for in 1459 the keeping of the seas had been given to Exeter. He was not. however, able to offer much opposition to the Yorkists. York was discharged of his protectorate in 1456, when aUo the Eail of Salisbury was dismissed from his office. Warwick, strange to say, was allowed to remain in command of Calais until 1450. when Somerset was made captain, but found much dlfBculty in taking np the command, for the citizens were strong partisans of Warwick. And even after he had made entmnce. Warwick was able still t<« make Calais his headtiuarters. and entirely to control the Channel. York was again declared Protector after the parliament some of whose proceedings have been repre- sented in this scene (see note at line 170 aboveX The present passage wouM appear to be another instance of the way in which events of the years 1455 and 1400 have been mixed together, as pointed out in note 33. "The narrow seas" was the name not only for the English Channel, but also for the seas lying between the Netherlands and the coast of Essex and Kent. Cf. below, iv. 8. 1, 3: Edward from Bel|;ia. Hathp is'd in safety through the narrow feas. 177 34 Digitized by Google ACT I. Soeno 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART IIL ACT I. Scene 1 71. Line 245: BeSort I toould have granted to THAT ACT. —The True Trageiiiei has Before I would haue f^anted to tMe/r wilt, —P. 14. The expression granted to, meaning "assented to," Is uncommon, but is used by Hall in the following paati^: "he alledged his insuffidencie for so great a rwmie and weighty burden, . . . yet in conclusion he beynge per- swaded by the Archebishop of Caterbury, the bishop of Excester and other lordes» . . . gramnted to their peti- cion"(p. 2M). 78. Line 259: Oentle ton Edward, thou vdU $tay WITH mef—With, omitted in F. 1, is restored in F. 2. 74. Line 261 : When I return with victory from tJie field,— Y. 1 reads to instead of /rem. The correction was made in F. 2. 7i. Lines 207. 268: Whoee haughty spirit, winged witii deeire, Will COAST my crown. The emendation which we have adopted is the same as that suggested by Warburton and adopted by Singer and Grant White. If the reading of the Folios is to be re- tained the meaning must be "will cost me my crown," which is a very awkward construction, and is a phrase that seems strangely coupled with such a technical term as tire on. There is no doubt that the meaning of coaet is " to keep alongside of," and that it suggests the idea of watching. The word is used by Shakespeare with some indeflniteness of meaning. See Venus and Adonis, lines 869,870: Anon fthe hears them chant it lufctUy. And all in liaste she cMtstttk to the cry. Henry VIIL iii. 2. 38: The king in this perceives hUn, how he coasts And hedges his own way. Troilus and Cressida, iv. 5. 58, 59: These encounterers That gire a coasting welcome ere li comes. But it certainly seems the most probable emendation. 76. Lines 268, 269: like an empty eagle, TiRB ON thefieeh 0/ me and (^f my eon. Compare Venus and Adonis, lines 55, 66: Even as an empty eagle, sharp by Tast, Tires with her beak oh feathers, flesh, and bone. Steevens quotes Dekker, Match Me in London: The vulture fyrrs Vpon the eagles hart. —Works, vol Ir. p. 187. See also Kyd, Cornelia: And th' eagle tiring on Prometheus. — Dodsley, vol. r. p. Z48. There are other later instances also of the word tire in this sense; which is taken from that of the French tirer. Tlie mode of feeding of all ,the hawk tribe is to hold the prey flitnly with the talons whilst they tear it with the beak. When a hawk was in training, a tough or bony bit was often given her to tire on, i.e. to tear or pull at. 1 In the reference* to The True Tr.igedie we give the page of the Reprint in HazUtt's Shakespeare's Library, part ii. vol. ii. 178 so as W prolong her meal as much as possible, and pre- veal her from gorging. See Harting, Omitholonr of Shakespeare, p. 88. ACT I. Scene 2. 77.— Hall (pp. S49 foil.) says: "The Duke of Yorke well knowyng, that the Queue would spume and impugne the conclusions agreed .... caused her and her sonne, to be sent for by the kyng : but site beyng a manly woman, ▼syug to rule and not to be ruled, A therto counsailed by the dukes of Excester and Somerset, not onely denied to come, but also assembled together a great army, in- tending to take the kyng by fine force, out of the lordes handes, and to set theim to a new skoole. llie Protector liyng in Londd, hauyng perflte knowledge of all these doynges: assigned the Duke of Norffolke and the Erie of Warwicke, his trustie frendes, to be about the kyng. and he with therles of Salisbury, and Rutlande: with a con- uenient company, departed out of London, the second dale of Decembre Northward, and sent to the Erie of Marche his eldest sonne to folowj'e him with all his power. The Duke . . . came to his Castle of Sandall. beside Wakefelde, on Christmas eue. . . . The quene . . . determined to couple with hym while his power was small and his ayde not come: And so hauyng in her com- pany, the Prince her sonne, the Dukes of Excester and Somerset . . . and in effecte all the Lordes of the Northe parte, with eightene thousande men, or as some write, twentie and twoo thousande, marched from Yorke to Wakefelde, and bad base to the Duke, euen before his Castle [:] he hauyng with hym not fully flue thousande peraones, determined incontinent to issue out, and to fight with his enemies, and all though, sir Dauy Halle, bis old seruaunt and chief counsailer. auised him to kepe his Castle, ... yet he would not be counsailed, but in a great fury saied, a' Dauy, Dauy, hast thou loued me so long, and now wouldest haue me dishonored: Thou nener sawest me kepe fortres when I was Regent in Normandy, . . . but like a man, ... I issued and fought with myne enemies, to their loss euer (I thanke God) and to my honor: . . . wouldest thou that I for dread of a scolding woman, . . . should incarcerate my self and shut my gates." 78. Line 4 : York. Why, ho%e note, son* and BBOTHER, at a etrifet—See note on scene 1, line 14. 78. Line 6: No quarrel, but a slight contention.— The True Tragedie reads: No father, ^t// a sweete cotitention, *' i. e." says Theobald (Var. Ed. vol xvili. p. 382), " the argument of tlieir dispute was upon a grateful topick; the question of their father's immediate right to the crown." 80. Line IS: By giving the house qf Lancaster leave to breathe.— Thli is a harsh line. Proper names are often unrhythmically introduced, but besides tltis, tlie line be- gins badly. The effect would be somewhat less unplea- sant if we omitted By. SAh. Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 2. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT I. Soene 4. •1. Line 17: I 'D break a tho%uand oatht to reign one year.—Th9 reading of F. 1. is: I would brtaJtt a thousand OatMrs, ta rti^ne ont yttrt. Pope printed the necessary contraction— one wliicli old printers not seldom overlooked. 88. Lines 22, 28: An oath Uofno moment, being not took Be/ore a true and laufful magistrate. The absolute ose of the participle to denote a condition is frequent in the earlier dramatists. So also is the use of the preterite for the participial inflexion {took for taken). CL L Henry VL i. 1. 146, " is took prisoner." 88. Line 24: That hath authority O'ER him that neean. —The Folio, as is nsnal, prints ouer for o'er; we have introduced the contraction for the sake of clearness. 81 Lines 88, 40: Thou, Richard, $haU unto the Duke qf Norfolk, You, Edward, ehall unto my Lord qf Cobham. The True Tragedie reads: £divard, tliou shalt to Edmund Brooke iMtri Cobham, Thou cosen MonUirue. shaU to Norffolkt straight. The first unto is Steeyens's correction for to of Ft. In line 40 oft which is not in Ff., was inserted by Hanmer. It would seem as though the revlsal of the passage in the old play was not carried out with enough care. The corrections introduced are necessary for the rhythm, though it is doubtful whether " Lord of Cobham" would hare been written by Shakespeare. Cf. iv. 5. 1, " my Lord Hastings," without the preposition. Is it possible that Edward wosmeant for a trisyllable? Seeiii. 8. 100 below: Queen Margaret. Prince Edieard, and Oxford. 86. Lines 40-A8.— Compare for the description of Kent- ish folk IL Henry VI. iv. 7. 66-68. 88. Line 48: Witiy AND eouriewu, liberal, fuU qf spirit. — Ff. omit and, which was introduced by Capell, and is necessary for the metre; otherwise the line lacks a syl- lable at the beginning. 87. Line 47: Enter a Messenger. —This is the direction given in The True Tragedie, and adopted by Theobald. F. 1 reads. Enter Gabriel, giving us, no doubt— as in act ilL scene 1— the name of the actor who took this part, ^lalone remarks that he is mentioned by Heywood in his Apology for Actors, 1612. ACT 1. Scene 3. 88. — For the basis, in Hall's narrative, of this scene, see note 12. Hie blunder of making Butland a boy of twelve, instead of a youth of seventeen, is in Hall, and is copied by Holinshed. It arose from the misprint xll for xvii. The tutor is called "Sir Robbert Aspall," as being in orders (cf. Sir Oliver Martext, As You Like It, act iii. scene 3); the preflx is not that of knighthood. 88. Line 12: So looks the PENT-UP lion.—" That is. the lion that hath been long confined without food, and is let out to devour a man condemned " (Johnson, in Var. Kd. vol. xvill. p. 389). 80. Line 21: tny/aeA«r'«&^ood.—Clifrord's father, Thomas Lord Clifford, was killed at the batUe of St Albans, 1466, but here (see line 89) is evidently assumed to have died some years previously, although in the former play (v. 2) his death is represented on the stage. 81. Line 48: Di faeiant, laudis summa tit ista ttue!— Steevens points out (Var. £d. voL xviii. p. 391) that this is from Ovid, Heroides IL, Phyllis to Demophoon, L 66, and that the same quotation occurs in Nash's pamphlet Have with you to Saffron Walden. ACT I. Scene 4. 88.— Some passages have been marked for omission in this scene, but if the play were acted all after line 64 would be better omitted. Such lavish details of blood- thirsty ferocity are not tolerable on the stage. Hall (p. 261) says of the death of the Duke of York: "This cruell Cliflorde, & deadly bloudsupper not content with this homicyde, or chyldkillyng, came to y* place wher the dead corps of the duke of Yorke lay, and caused his head to be stryken of, and set on it a croune of paper, & so fixed it on a pole, & presented it to the Queue, not lyeing farre from the felde, in great despite, and much derision." Holinshed copies the passage with slight alteration, and adds (p. 269,: "Some write that the duke was taken aliue, and in derision caused to stand vpon a molehill, on whose bead they put a garland in steed of acrowne, which they had fashioned and made of sedges or bulrushes; and hauing so crowned him with that gar- land, they kn^Ied downe afore him (as the lewes did vnto dirist) in scome, saieng to him ; ' Haile king without rule, haile king without heritage, haile duke and prince without people or possessions.' And at length hauing thus scorned him with these and diuerse other the like despitefull words, they stroke off his head, which (as yee haue heard) they presented to the qudene." He adds, copy- ing again from Hall: " After this victorie by the qu^ne, the earle of Salisburie and all the prisoners were sent to Pomfret, and there beheaded, whose heads (togither with the duke of Yorkes head) were conueied to Yorke, and there set on poles ouer the gate of the citie, in despite of them and their linage." Tlie dramatist has used both stories. 88. Lines 3, 4 : aU myfollowerg to the eager fte Turn back. This is an unusual phrase instead of " Turn (their) backs upon." 91 Lines 16, 16: Richard cried, *' Charge! and give no foot of ground!" Edward, **A crown, or else a glorious tomh!" F. 1 reads : Richard cry'de. Charge, and ^iue tio/oot of ground. And cry'de, A Crovfttt, or else a glorious Tombt. Tliere is evidently something wrong here. Collier pro- posed to read A>rf for A nd in the latter line ; the Cam- bridge editors conjecture one or more lines to be lost before it If the reading in the text be not what the author originally wrote, it at any rate gives the meaning 179 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 4. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT I. Soeoe 4. required. It is possible that lines 16 and 17 should pre- oede line 14; but this is not very likely. 96. Line 19: We bodg'd again.— The verb "Bodge" meaning "bungle," is not an uncommon word in some parts of the Midlands at the present time. The substan- tive bodge means, as Halliwell says, "a patch," gene- rally, if not always, a clumsy one. Through not under- standing this, Johnson proposed budg'd, and Collier boteh'd, neither of which words make as good sense as that in the text. 96. Lines 33, 81 : Now Phaethon hath tumbled from his ear, Aiid made an evening at. the noontide PRICK. The story of Phaettion's attempt to drive the horses of the Sun will be found in Ovid, Metamorphoses, book it lines 1-322. He was a standard example of presumption defeated; compare, for instance, Two Gentlemen of Verona, ill. 1. 163-156. Clifford here charges York with having attempted a work he was too weak for,— the guid- ance of the state; and taunts him with his overthrow at the very moment when, having just been recognized as rightful heir to the throne, he was apparently at the zenith of success. Prick anciently denoted "spot" or "mark.*' Cf.Lu- crece, line 781 : Ere he arrive his weary noontide frick. 97. Line 50: buckle with thee blows, twice two for one. — Cf. Greene, Friar B;icon and Friar Bungay: a lust}* l>oy That dares at weapon bnckU willi thy son. ~Work«. p. trs. No doubt "blows, twice two for one" is added merely antithetically to "word for word" in the foregoing line. Ff. read bxwkler. The correction is ITieobald's, from Tlie True Tragcdie. 96. Line 69: It in war's prixe~i.e. "we profit by » state of war." &c. In a somewhat similar sense Jonson, Volpone. V. 1. 80-^, says: this is oar masterpiece ; We cannot think to go beyond thi». /''//. True, Thou bast play'd tl»y /rizf. —Works. Tol. iii. p. 393. Massinger, New Way to Pay Old Debts, iv. 2. at entf, has: If I play not my /rise To your full content, and your uncle's much vexation. Hang up Jack M.irrall. —Works, p. 414. where tlie meaning of "play the prize" is, probably, "make use of the advantage gained." The line is of course a paraphrase of the proverb "All's fair in war." 99. Line 73: your MESS of sons.— See note 128 on Love's Labour 's Lost. 190. Line 80: leith his RAPlBR's point.— Clifford is de- ioribed. in the last scene, as having stabbed Rutland. It would 1)6 awkward to do this with a rapier. He probably carried a dagger as well Perhaps the word is used ▼aguely in the text, and only means " weapon." 180 lOL Line 87: Stamp, rave, and fret, that I may siitg^ and dance.— In Ff. this line is wrongly put after line 91. The True Tragedie gives it in its riglit place, and is fol- lowed by Malone and most later editors. 109. Line 106: 0, 'tis a fault TOO-TOO unpardonable! - Mr. Halliwell-Philllpps showed [see Shak. Soc. Public. 1844, pp. 39-43] that the expression too- too is not a mei e- redupllcatlon, but a provincial word, which became n recognized archaism, with the meaning "exceeding."" Compare Love's Labour 's Lost, v. 2. 632 : The schoolmaster is exceeding fantastical; tw too vain, too too vain. Two Gentlemen of Verona. II. 4. 204, 206 : I love him not as I was wont. O, but I love his lady too^oo much. Often, however, the meaning "too" suits the word Just as well. Cf. Greene, Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay: Timely ripe is rotten too-too soon. —Works, p. x6i. 108. Line 108: take time to DO HIM DEAD.— lliis phrase- appears to be almost unique. Spenser, Faerie Queen,, bk. ill. canto x. st. 32, has: But soone he shall be fownd, and shortly doett be dedd: And bk. v. canto Iv. st. 29: Which some hath put to shame, and many done he dead. —Works, il. 305, iii. aa?- Do him to death (below, ill. 8. 108) and do him to die are the usual expressions, where cfo has Its old meaning of "cause," "make," "put" 101 Line 112: Whose tongue more poisons than tlie adder's tooth.— This seems to be Imitated in Wily Be- guiled: Whose tongue more venom than the serpent's sting. ^Dodsley, vol. ix. p. C69. 106. Lines 180-133, 141, 142: 'Ti» virtue that doth make them most admired; The contrary doth make thee wonder' d at: 'T is government that makes them seem divine; The want thereqf makes thee abominable. Women are soft, mild, pitiful and flexible; Thou stem, obdurate, flinty, rough, reinorseUas. Compare Hall (p. 160) on the attributes of a good woman i the passage has been given in note 260 to L Henry VI. 106. Line 137: 0 tiger's heart wrapt in a woman's hidt-r —Tills is the line parodied, in 1592, in Greene's Groats- worth of Wit (See Introduction, p. 187.) If Greene wrote the book called by his name— as it is pretty cerUin lie did— and if, as has been thought, he wrote the part of The True Tragedie in which this line occurs, then he parodied his own words. His ill-will, Dr. Ingleby says, was not only because of Shakespeare's success, nor be- cause his own work had been made use of by the younger poet, but, beyond this, he was angry that one of the despised caste of actors should have succeeded in estal>- lishing himself in the much less dishonourable craft of playwright See Shakspere Allusion Books, part i.» In trod. p. xi. 107. Line 160: Beshrew me, but his passioiu MOTE we- so.-V. 1 reads moues Instead of move. The Cambritlge editors print passion moves. We have followetl the read- Digitized by Google ACT 11. Scene 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART IIL ACT II. Scene L fng of The True Tragedie and the other FoHob. The meaning of pamiont is "griefs," "sorrowings," as Dyce explains it. 106. LineaI52,l&3: That face qf hit the huitgry ocamiMU Wmdd fwt have toveh'd, would not have ttain'd tvUh blood. K. 1. which often breaks the first line of a Bptedt into %wo, here gives Thai Face ^hit, Tk* hungry Caniballs "mould uot havt toucht, U'»uld H«t havt stttyn'd wUh blood. The Tkue Tragedie reads as in the text, save that it has ons, hauyng the kyng in their company, as the head and chefetayn of the warre." Warwick held the town, and the queen's troops were repulsed by a body of archers, but made their entry at another point and ultimately reached Bamet heath, where, says HoUnshed (p. 270X "they had a farre greater conflict with foure or flue thousand of the kings armie, that seemed as they had beene auant courrers. " These gaue the onset so flercelie at the beginning, that the victorie rested doubtfuU a certeine time, so that if the easteme and southeme men had continued as they began, the field had beene theirs: but after ihey had stood to it a pretie while, and percelued none of their fellowes from the great armie to come and assist them, they began to faint, and turning their backes, fled amaine oner hedge and ditch, through thicke and thin, woods and bushes, ... the northern prickers, now in the chase pur- sued most hotlie, and bare downe manie, and more had doone, if the night comming vpon, had not staled them. " When the day was closed, those that were about the king (in number a twentie thousand) hearing how enill their fellowes had sped, began vtteriie to despair of the victorie, and so fell without anie long Urriance to run- ning awaie. By reason whereof, the nobles tliat were about the king, perceiuing how the game went, and withall saw no comfort in the king, but rather a good wiU and I affection towards the contrarie part, they withdrew also. * ' and fled. ' 1S8. Line 118: And very well appoinUd, as 1 thought.— I Ff. omit this line. It was restored from Qq. by Steevens. Digitized by Google ACT II. Scene 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT II. Scene 2. IM. Line 180: Uke the night-oiers LAZT fUffht—YTnll ■ays of owls: "Their flight is easy and buoyant, bnt not rapid " (British Birds, i. 100). Horace speaks of "plumas noctomie atrigis/' so that the epithet night is of some antiquity. 1S5. Line 131: Or like AN idle thraeherwith a flaU.— This is Capell's reading, following Qq. Ff. have: Or like a iatU Thresher with a Flaile. 186. LiDel48.— ThisisamissUtement After the batUe of Wakefield George and his brother Richard were sent to Utrecht for safety, and remained with Philip of Bor- gnndy till Edward had established himself on the throne. Besides, George was at tliis time bat twelve years old, and Bichard only nine. 117. Line 144: Some tix mOee eg the dtike ie with his POWKlL^Ff. hare: Some UK wtOetoSihc Duke h with tike SfUiert, an error of the printer's, owing to the occnrrence of the words in line 147. The text is from Qq. Itt. Line 146: your kind AUNT, Ducheee of Burgundy. -Ritson remarks that Isabel. Dochess of Burgundy, was daughter of John I., King of Portugal, and Philippa of Lancaster, eldest daughter of John of Gaunt Edward and she were, therefore, no more than third cousins. 1». Unesiei, 162: wrap our bodies in Nadk mouming-gomts, Numb'ring our Ave-Mariee with our beade. This is aimed at Henry. Almost the same as line 162 is Margaret's description, II. Henry VI. i. 8. 50. 190. Line 177: Their power, 1 think, ie thirty thou- sand ftrofi^.— Qq. read: Their power I Resse theaijf/ty thoiuand strong : and in line 181 they have eight and forty thousand instead uf the five and twenty thousand of the present text The Quarto rending in line 181 agrees with the statement in UaU (p. 258) and Hulinshed (pp. 277, 278) of the Yorkist force at the battle of Towton; but they give "Ix. M." (ie. 60.000) as the number of the Lancastrian troops. The rea- son for the alteration in the text is not obvioua The other varieties between the Quarto and Folio texts of this scene are few and trifling. 181. Line 182: Why, Vial to London wiXL we march AMAIN.— Ff. omit amatn, 'Which was added from The True Tragedie by Theobald. 181. Line 100: And when thou FAiVn,— at Ood forbid the hour I— We have adhered to the reading of Ff. The True Tragedie haa faint* for faiTst, an error probably due to Imperfect hearing. Steevens read faWtt, and is fol- lowed by Dyce and others. But the Folio reading is more appropriate, since Warwick is regarded as Edward's staff or support 186. Lines 206-209.— These lines are absent from The True Tragedie. The passage comes in somewhat by sur- prise, and the use of it is not apparent Warwick has Just said the queen was in London and that he had come up to the Welsh border to Edward in haste. We must infer that the queen's forces were following in hot pur- suit, but in the next scone they are at York with Edward's forces close by (line 56). Compare note 110. ACrr H. Scene 2. 181— The actual history of this period differs greatly from the version here given us. On the 4th of March Edward was received as king with acclamation at Bay- nard's Castle and at Westminster, and "lodged in the bishops palace: Dayly makyng prouislon. to go Nortli- warde against his aduerse faccion and open enemies, and on the morow he was proclaymed kyng . . . through- out y« citie. While these thinges were in doyng in the Southpart, king H^ry beyng in the North-countrey, think- ing because he had slayn the duke of Yorke. the chef e Cap- itayn of the contrary lynage, that he had brought all thyng to purpose and conclusion as he would, assembled a great army, trusting with 11 tie payne and small losse, to destroy the residew of his enemies'* (Hall, p. 254). Ed- ward in a few days marched northward to Pontefrnct; Henry and the queen lay at York. The fact that Edward had been formally recognlxed as king before he set out for the north is ignored in the play. I cannot understand what Wordsworth means when he says that the second battle of St Albans *' took place after the meeting at York " represented in this scene. (Shake- speare's Historical Plays, ill. 200.) 188. Lines 7. 8: 'tU not my fault, Nor WITTINGLY have J infring'd my vow. Reed altered nor to not, and Walker thought we should read willingly. But there seems no objection to giving wittingly the meaning *' purposely." 186. Line 80: Which sometime they have us'd IN fear- ful fiight.— Ft have with. Capell restored in from Qq. 187. Lines 45-48: But, Clifford, tell me, didst thou never hear That things ill-got had ever bad suecessf And happy cUways was it for that so}i Whose father for his hoarding went to hellf Halliwell and Staunton quote, in illustration of the latter couplet, Greene, Royal Exchange: "It hath beene an olde proverbe, that happy is that sonne whose father goes to the devill: meaning by thys allegoricall kind of speech, that such fathers as seeke to inrich theyr sonnes by covetousnes, by briberie, purloynlng. or by any other sinister meanes, suffer not onely affliction of mind, as greeved with insatietle of getting, but wyth danger of soule, as a Just reward for such wretchednesse." Halli- well refers also to Greenes Newes both from Heauen and Hell (Shakspeare's Library, pt IL vol. ii. p. 41). 188. Line 61.— Edward was knighted Just after the battle of Wakefield. The statement in the text is a mis- take. 188. Line 68: with a band qf thirty thousand men. —See note 180. Qq. in this place have fif tie thousand. 140. Line 74: T?ie queen hath best success when you are absent. — The sentiment Is perhaps taken from the Chronicles. Hall (p. 252) concludes his account of the 183 Digitized by Google A.C£ II. Scene 2. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART III ACT II. SoMM 3. batile of Wakefield with the remiirk : " Hgppy was tlie qiiene in her two battayls. but vnfurtunnte was tlie kyng in all bis enterprises, for wliere hi;! person was presente, llier victory fled euer from liini to the other parte." No doubt Henry had the repute of bringing iil luck. Stee- rent quotes from Draytou an expansion of Hall's words (Var. Ed. xviii. 416,. 14L Line 89. —The True Tragedie begins a speech for ** George" here, reading our brother in line 92 instead of ira. The alteration was made in F. 1, which, however, by inadvertence still gives the speech to "Cte. ' The text is from ¥. 2. Itt. Line 110: Break of the PARLE. —We have adopted Reed's emendation. Both Ff. and Qq. have parley, 145. Line 116: But ere^Min set / 'U wake thee mrse the deed.^Ff. have mnset, but Qq. give sunne »et, which we have adopted. Compare King John. iii. L 110,. and note 136 on that play 141 Line 183. -Ff. wrongly give this speech tu War- wick. Pope transferred it to Bivhard, to whom The I'rae lYagedie also assigns it Itf. Line 138: As venom toadi, or lizartU dreadful stinge.— The toad is described as ugly and venomous in As Tou Like It, and the delusion is still popular. I'he dreadful sting of the lizard is as imaginary as tlie Itann- fnl qualities of the newt; see A Midsummer Xight's Dream, note 133. 146. Line 141: As if a CHANNEL should be call'd the sea. —A channel, Malune remarks, signified in Shakespeare's time what we now cull a kennel. Cf. II. King Henry IV. li. 1. 51: " Throw the quean in the channel." 147. Line 144: A wisp of straw.— The wearing of a wisp «pon the head is shown by Malone to iiave been a punish- ment for a scold. He quotes, inter alia, A Dialogue be- tween John and Jone: Good i;entle Jone, whh-holde thy hands, Tbik once let nic entreat thee. And ntake me promise, never more That tliou ftliait mind to beat me ; For fcare thou tutart the ivispe, good wife. —Var. Ed. xviii. 423. In the present passage it seems to be cousidereil also a punishment for a strumpet 148. Line 172: Since thou DENTEST the gentle king to speak. — Ff. read denied' st. Tlie correction was made l>y Warburton from Qq. 140. Line 173: let our BLOODV colours ira re— Compare Henry V. L 2. 101: Stand for your own ; unwind your bloody flaj;. ACT IT. Scene 3. 150.— Lord Fitzwalter, a relative of Warwick, had gained the passage of Ferrybridge, bnt was sun^rised and slain by Clifford. "Wlien the erle of Warwycke waa enformed of this feate," says Hall (p. 256). "he like a man desperate, mouted on his Hackeney. and came blowing to kyng Edward saiyug: 'syr I praye God haue 184 mercy of tlieir soules, which in the beginnyng of your enterprise, hath lost their lifes, and because I se no suc- cors of the world, I remit the vengeaunce and punish- ment to God' . . . and with that lighted doune^ and slewe his horse with his swourde, saiyng: 'let him fli« tliat wil, for sui^ly I wil tary witli liim that wil tary with me,' and kissed tlie crosse of his swourde. "Tlie lusty kyng Edward, perceiuyng the courage of hit trusty fied the erle of Warwycke, made proclamacion tliat all men. wiiiche were afrayde to flghte, shoiUde incon- tinent departe. and to all me that tarried the battell, lie promised great rewardea" The play puts some of tltese sentiments of Warwick into Richard's mouth, and includes tlie events of three different actions in its representation of tlie battle of Towton. See note 9. 161. Line 5: And, SPITE of spitb, needa mutt 1 rest awhile.— Compare King John, v. 4. 4, 5: That misbej^otten devil. Faulconbrid^, In spite of »pite. alone upliold^ Um day. 158. Line 15: Thy brother's blood the thirsty earth, hath drunk. —This was " the Bastard of Salisbury, brother to the erle of Warwycke," who fell along with Clifford in the engagement at Ferrybridge. 153. Line 37: Thou setterup and plueker-down of kings. — Cf. Psalm Ixxv. 7: "God is the judge; he putteth down one and setteth up another; " and Daniel ii. 21 : " he remev- eth kings, and setteth up kings." In iii. a 1A7 Mai^ret, ill disgust at Warwick's unbounded ambition and preten- sion, addresses him as " Pi-oud setter-up and puller-down of kings." The Qq., instead of lines 38-41, have only the following : Lord Worwike, I doe bend my Icnees with thine; And in that vnw now ioine my soule to thee. Tliou setter vp and puller downe of kings. Vouchsafe a jfentle victorie to vs, Or let vs die before we loose the daie. —P. 47. Malone supposed tliat the third line in tills quotation was part of the address to Warwick, and that therefore line 87 in the amended play was addressed to Warwick. Bnt such a mode of address would be an anachronism in this place, and almost blasphemous ; it is far better to take the line as the beginning of Edward's prayer. Lines 35. 36 were no doubt introduced in the revised play to prevent the misunderstanding into which Malone felL 154. Line 40: Yet that THY brazen gates qf heaven may ope.— Dyce piints the; but for tlie reasons mentioned in tlie last note it does not seem necessary to alter tlie text 165. Lines 52, 53: And, if we thrive, promise them such rewarda As viators wear at the Olympian gsanee. This somewhat extraordinary proposal U an instance of tlie way in wliicli, in earlier £lizal>etlian dramas, classical customs and names were referred to as Uiough still in use. Thus, in David and Bethsabe, Peele calls David "Jove's musician." In tiie same way we find Nero men- Uoned infra, iU. 1. 40. Collier, in his second edition, read ware for wear, and Dyce followed him. I cannot, however, flud any autho- Digitized by Google JbCT U^Saonel. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT II. Scene 5. ritgr tat Mcfa » fona of the past teoM of vmar in the litantture of the time, and the emendation does not make the. sentiment any more natural ACT ir. ScEWB 4. Ufk JAn» 8: And here's thtkemrt thai triumfh* in their DKATHS.— This is the reading of Qq. Ft have death, which Is not so forcible. IB. Lines 12, 13.~Thea6 line* do not occur in the cocreapoudlng place in The True Tiagedie. They are, as 3Ialone renuudced, a repetition of IL Heoiy VL v. 2. ACT IL ScBWB 6. IM.~The soliloquy in lines l-6i is much altered and «nlarged from the yersion in Qq. We hare there, instead of the simile of lines 6-12, the following lines; How like a mastlessc ship Tpon the «eaa. This woful battdile doth continue still, Now leaning this way, now to that side driae, And Doac doch know to whom the daie w4U taJL The likeness between the passages is curious. Perhapa the idea was suggested by ttie words of Hall, who says een bom later he would not have had to bear arms; and tliat the father was too late in depriv- hig him of life, because be should have done so by not bringing him into being. But too late, in line 93, is often interpreted here as too lately, too recently, as in Bape of Lucrece, lines 1800, 1801 (quoted by Malone) : O, quoth Lucretius, I did give that life Which she too early nnd too late hath spllted ; and this interpretation may be correct. Qq. interchange late and soon, and were followed by Hanroer and CapeH The Cambridge editors remark that this merely transfers ia5 Digitized by Google ACT II. Scene 5. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PATIT III. ACT IL Scene 6. the dIfilcnUy of explanation from one line to tbe^ Grant White, liowever, tlilnlcs tliat tbto mmjf hare l>een the origluul reading, and coapana Heywood'i translation of Seneca'* Troaa: OmmmthegU to late for Troy, but borne too soooe for me 1 a passage of which he thinlcs the lines in The True Tra- gedie may have t>een a reminiscence. He farther suggests that on the revision the text may have l>eeu altered to the present arrangement without sufllcient consideration, in order presumably to improve the meaning of the first Une. ITS. Line 100 : The other hie pale CHEEK, methinke, preMenteth.—Ft. read eheekee. The text is Bowe's. ITS. Line 104: TAKE ON with ma.— This expression is nowadays looked on as a vulgarism. We find it in Mid- dleton, Michaelmas Term, Iv. 1: "then will I begin to rave like a fellow of a wide conscience, and, for all the world, counterfeit to the life that which I know I shall do when I die; take on for my gold, my lands, and my writ- ings" (Works, VOL i. p. 491). 1T4 Unes 114, 115: Theee arm* qf mine ehall be thy winding-eheet; My hearty sweet boy, ehall be thy eepulehre. Compare Marlowe, Jew of Malta, ill. : These arms of mine shall be thy sepulchre. —Works, p. x6i. Lines 114-120 are not in The l>ue Tragedie: they have all the appearance of an insertion superadded upon the earlier play when the revision was made. It seems not nn unreasonable snpposition that they were suggested by the line in the Jew of ^lalta. ITS. Line 119: E'en /or the loee qf thee.—¥. 1. F. 2, F. 8 read Men for E'en; F. 4 has Man. Capell printed Even, and Dyce E'en, which is no doubt correct. ACT II. Scene 6. 1T8.- For the passage in Hall on whicli this scene is founded, see note 0. The stage direction in Qq. is " Enter CliiTord wounded with an arrow in hisnecke." It may have been in ridicule of this that Beaumont and Fletcher, in The Knight of the Burning Pestle, act v. scene 8. bring in Ralph " with a forked arrow through his head "(Works, voL it p. 96; quoted by SteevensX 177. Line 6: that tough commixture melts. —Thh is the reading of Qq.. followed by Steevena F. 1 has thy tough commixtures melts, and F. 2, F. 8, F. 4. thy tough com- mixtures melt ITS. Line 8: The common people svarm like summer Jlies.— This line is found only In Qq., but Ff. have, after line 16, the line " They never then had sprung like sum- mer flies," which looks like a perversion of the line in Qq. inserted in a wrong place. Theobald Inserted the line here from Qq. 1T9. Unes 11-18.— See note 96. 180. Line 18 : Httd le/t no mourning widows for our DEATHS.— Ff. have death for deaths, which Capell re- stored from Qq. 186 ISL Lines 41-48. -In F. 1, followed snbstantiaUy l^ F. 2, F. 8, F. 4, lines 41, 42, and the first half of 43 an given to Bichard, and Edward's speech begins at " And now the Battailes ended." This seems mere carelessness on the part of the printer. Qq. give the speeches, with but slight variations, as in the text, and their arrange- ment has been generally followed since it was pointed out by Steevens. 155. Line 42: A deadly groan, like life and death's de- parting.—Departing means "parting," via. of the soul from the body. Compare line 4, supra. Various oorrer- tions of the line have been proposed. Hanmer jaartil read in death; Lettaom and breath; naMier of whidi suggestions improves the sense. 1S8. Line 46: Who not contented.- Unless the mean- ing given in the foot-note is taken, ttiere is no verb to which who can belong. The same intransitive nse of tlie verb content is proposed by Dyce in Venus and Adonis. line 61: Forc'd to coittent. but nerer to obey. (See his Glossary, p. 97.) Qq. have, instead of lines 40-50. only the following : Who kUd our tender brother Rutland, And stabd our princelie fjsther Duke of Yoi k. It may be that in expanding this into the form in which we now have it, the alteration in the construction of the first clause escaped notice. 181 Line 66: Bring forth that fatal SCREECH-OWL to our house.— Tht screech-owl is the common bam or white owl (^rix flaminea\ Its usual cry is a shriek, and it is seldom heard to hoot as the brown owls commonly do. Popular dislike extended to all the owl trilie, their ai>- pearance and cry being both supposed to foretell misfor- tune and death. Pliny (Natural History, book x. chap. 12) says of the " scritch-owle," "he is the verie monster of the night, neither crying nor singing out cleere, but utter- ing a certaine heavie grone of dolefuU moning. Autl therefore if he be scene to file either within citties, or otherwise abroad in any place, it is not good, but prog- nosticateth some fearfull misfortune" (Holland's Pliny, vol i. p. 276)l Compare v. 6. 44, infra, in the present play, and A Midsummer Night's Dream, v. 1. 888-885: Whilst the screech-owl, screeching load. Puts the wretch titat lies in>oe In remembrance of a shroud. See also I. Henry VI. note 108. 156. Lines 65, 66: Because he would avoid such bitter taunts Which in the time qf death he gave our father. The passage corresponding to this in Qq. is as follows: that in the time of death. He might avoid sucM bitter stormes as he In his hour of death did give vnto our Cstber. This is no doubt corrupt; but Dyce thinks tliat which having been sulMtltuted in the latter line, it was by an oversiglit that such was not altered into those. ^ o change, however, is required; we find which following such in several other places; e.g. Twelfth Night, act v. line 368 : in JUcM forms wMicA here were presupposed. Digitized by Google ACT IL Scene 6. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL-PART III. ACT III. Soene 1. 186. Line 81: 1 1> ehop U cf.—Yt, here have ''Thuhand •hatUd chop it off;" Qq. " Ide cut It off." Compare v. 1. 50, 51. in/ra; a passage which is not in The True Tragedie. Bit it seems to us that in tliis place the words Thig hand nre more lilcely to be a repetition of this right Jiand in line 70. by a printer's or transcriber's error, than an in- tentional alteration of the author'a We have accordingly adopted Capell's reading, founded on that of Qq. 187. Line 8a— Edward was crowned on his return from Towton, June 1, 1461. It was in 1403, according to Hall (p. SBS), that Warwick went to Trance to ask the hand of the lady Bona for Edward. Hdllnshed (p. 283) appears to put it ill 1464, after tlie overtlirow of the Lancastrian rising. Both put the embassy in the same year with the king's secret espousal to Elizabeth Wydvile— 1.0. 1464— but Warwick, it has been shown, could not at the later time have been in France. (See Lingard, vol. iv. pp. 161, 162.) 188. Line 106: Oionter'i dukedom it too ominot(«.— Ma- lone refers to Hall's words (p. 209) on the death of the Qooeen erected by creacion of princes, to that stile and dignitie, as Hugh Spencer, Thomas of Woodstocke, sonne to kyng Edward the third, and this duke Hunifrey, whiche thre persones, by iiii»erable death finished their dales, and after them kyng Ricliard the .ill. also, duke of Gloucester, ill ciuill warre was slain nnd confounded: so y* this name of Gloucester, is takS for an viihappie and vnfortunate stile." Foxe remarked that this is based on Polydore Viigil'd llistoria Rerum Anglicarum, book xxiii. (See Acts and ^lonuments, -l were slayn .xxiiL C. men, ... of whome no noble man is remfibred, saue syr Ihon Gray." and the mis- take in the text perhaps aime from misondeistanding iliis] 900. Lines 24-38.— This passage, with lines 80-69, is an- other instance of rr-F0R issue qf their bodies.— The reading of Q. 1 (p. 68) is all they lookt for issue or their loinet, where Q. 2, Q. 8 wrongly made the alteration looke. F. 1, which the other editions substantially follow, has all the vnlook*d-for Issue of their Bodies. This seems out of place, for Gloster in reckoning up all those who stand between him and the crown naturally concludes with the children not yet bom, but whom the persons spoken of might reasonably hope for. Utdool^d for, the reading of Ff., is followed by all the editors. I cannot, however, give any more satisfactory interpreta- tion to it than '* whom it is not yet time to expect." 906. Line 139: he*ll LADV it dry.— The word lade baa sometimes been misunderstood; but the sense is clearly shown by the following passage quoted in Dyce's Glossary from Cotgrave: " Bacqueter. To lade, or draiue a rivo*. or other water, with pailes, or buckets." The word ia still used with this meaning. 990. Line 168: Why, love fomvore nu in my moth^s inmi6. — Malone (Vac Ed. xviiL p. 462) compares Wily Beguiled: For lore did scorn me ia my mother's womb. <— Dodsley. ix. tj 910. Lines 160, 161: To disproportion me in every part. Like to a chaos, or an unliek'd bear whelp. Compare IL Henry VI. v. 1. 157; and v. 6. 51, htfra, where Henry says that Gloster at his birth was An indigested and deformed lump. And compare Beanmont and Fletcher, Wit without Money, i. 1: They're only Imnps, and ttHdigetUd ^itets, I Jck'd over to a form by our affections. —Works, YoL i. p. 184. Tliese passages call to mind Ovid, Metam. L 7: cliaos rudis indif^staque moles. The dramatist has given chaos the unusual sense of "abor- tion." Witli line 167 compare v. 7. 23, itifra; and for the description of Richard see More's account, given in HaD (pp. 842, 348). There we are told: " he was litle of stature^ Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 2. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT III. Scene 3. enill featured of limnes, croke backed, the left shulder muche higher than the righte. ... He was malicious, wrotbf uU and enuious, . . . close and secrete, a depe dis- aimnler, lowlye of coontenaunce, arrogante of herte, oat- wardety familier where he inwardely hated, not lettyiigei to kisse whom he thought to kill, . . . not alwaie fur euill will, but ofter for ambicion and too serue his purpose." Elsewhere More tells how Richard "plucked vphisdoublet sleue to his elbowe on hys lefte arnie, where he shewed a weryshe wjthered amie & small as it was neuer other" (Hall, p. 360). See, too, notes 327, 886. The legend of new- bom bears being shapeless is a well-known one. Plluy Bays (Naturall Historic, bk. riii. ch. 36): "At the first, they seeme to be a lumpe of white flesh without all forme, little bigger than rattnns, without eyes, and wanting hair: onely there is some shew and apparance of clawes that put forth. This rude lumpe, with licking they fashion by little and little into some shape" (Holland's translation, L 216). Lines 160-162 are not in Qq. 211. Line 170: Until my head, that this mis-shap'd trunk bears.— This is Steevens's correction. F. 1 reads: VntUI my mis-shap'd Trunke, that beares this Head. 812. Line 175: That rbnts the thorns.— The verbs reiU and rend were sometimes used interchangealAy. Tliua Marlowe writes in Tamburlaine, 2nd part, i. 3: When Boreas rents a thousand swelling clouds, and in Edward II.: Rent, sphere of heaven I —Works, pp. 48, sia. Compare Richard III. i. 2. 126. 218 Lines 182, 183: Why, I can smile, and murder whiles Iwule; And cry " Content" to that which grieves my heart. There seems to be a recollection of these Jines in the sen- timent of Chunns in Wily Beguiled: I cry content, and murder where I kiss. — Dodsky, ix. ajx. 214. Line 187: / 'II slay more gazers than the bastli»K. —See II. Henry VL note 185. 215. Line 190.— Sinon was a Greek who, Virgil tells us in .£neid, bk. li., by his false words and self-inflicted wounds obtained for the wooden horse, in which armed Greeks were hidden, admission into Troy. Compare Lu- crece, lines 1500-1522. 216. Line 193: the murderous Maohiavel. — See L Henry VI. note 25a The anachronism here does not occur in The True Tragedie. where the corresponding pas- sage (p. 64) reads ** the aspiring Catalin." Acrr in. scene 3. 217.- The passage in Hall upon which Is founded the incident of Warwick's embassy to demand the hand of the Lady Bona is given in note 32, supra. The other In- ciilents of this scene belong to the year 1470, when, accord- ing to Hall (p. 278), Warwick, "mistrustyng that he was not able to mete with hys enemyes, . . . determinestantive Forlorn, meaning " outcast," *' solitary,"* seems not to occur elsewhere except in the following pas- sage given in Richardson's Diet, from the Tatler, No. 210: t Hall incorrectly writes Bttrp-oytt: I have substituted Burton fron> Holinshcd (p 996), who copies Hall's words almot>t >-ert>at!in. 189 Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 3. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART IIL ACT IT. Soene 1. "I become wearj and impatient of the deriiion of the tfigglen of our Sex; wlio call me old maid, and tell me, I shall lead apet. If you are truly a patron of the dia- treaeed, and an Adept in Astrology, you will advise whether I shall, or ought to be prevailed upon by the impertinences of my own Sex, to give way to the importunities of yours. I assure you, I am surrounded with both, though at present a forlorn" (iv. 82, edn. 1774). S90. Line 04: To tnake prMcription.—*' Preteription," according to Co well. " is a course or use of auy thing for a time beyond the memory of man, as the ezpositid of the law termes doth define it Kitch. /ol 104. saith thus: Prescription is, when for continuance of time, whereof there groweth no memory, a perticuler person hath per- ticular right against another perticular person" (The In- terpreter, 1637, sig. £ee 2> SSL Line 102: the lord Aubrey Vere. See note 6. tSS. Line 109: Queen Margaret, Prince Edward, and Oa^ford.—To mend the metre, Hanmer read Iwrd Ch^ord, Lines consisting mostly of proper names are often un- rhythmicaL 8SS. Line 124: an stkbnal j9tont-This is the reading of Qq., adopted by Warburton and succeeding editors. F. 1 has eztertudl The meaning " perennial" appears to lielotig to the word nowhere else in Shalcespeare. SM. Line 127: Exempt from envy, bvi not from diedaifi. —The meaning appears to be that Kdward's love was not liable to malice or spite, thougli it might be to disdain; which is ratlier an awkward way of saying that his love would not turn to hatred but it might to scorn if his suit were rejected. tt5. Line 140: To Edward, TBS: not to the EnglUh king. —The reading of Qq. is: To Edward, but not the EitffUsh kine. Ff. have: To Edward, but not to the English king : a line which can only be scanned by giving an unnatural accent to the words hut and to. The emendation which we have mRde restores Uie proper accent and makes a more forcible speech. S86. Line 166: Peace, impudent and ihameiCse War- wick! PBACR.— The last word, wanting in F 1, was sup- plied in F. 2. 827. Line 167: Proud tetter-up and puUer down qf kingn! - Compare v. 1. 26, and ii. 8. 87. supra, where almost the same words are part of Edward's prayer. See note 164. SS8. Line 160: Thy dy OONVBTANCE.— See I. Henry VI. note 79. 989. Line 175 : to sooth B your forgery. — Compare Greene, James the Fourth, i. 1: Who sootht no vice, who (Utter not for gnin. —Works, p. t8<>. Heath proposed to read smooth, but this seems rather to have the meaning of "flatter." 230. Lines 186, 187: Did I forget that by the house qf York My father catne untimely to his death} 190 This is a strange misstatement Bichard, Earl of Salis- bury, Warwick's father, was beheaded— by Margaret's orders, it was said ~ at Pontefract, having been taken prisoner hi the Lancastrian victory at Wakefield in 1461. The line comes unaltered from The True Tragedie. where the mistake is still more surprising since that play in a former scene (p. 46) represents Salisbury as falling on the Yorkist side ai Towton. tSL Line 228: I'LL wear the WILLOW-oarland /or Aw sake. -The willow.garland was Uie badge of a deserted lover. Compare Much Ado About Nothing, li. 1. 224: " I offered him my company to a willow-tree, ... to make him a garland, as being forsaken ;" and Tlie Com- plaint of a Lover Forsaken of his Love— a variation of which is found in Othello— has for its refrain, •' Sing O the greene willow shall be my garland" (Chappell. Popu- lar Music, pp. 206, 774). So Spenser describes the tree as "the willow, wome of forlorne paramours" (Faery Queeii, bk. i. canto 1, st 9) F. 1 reads here / for / 'U, but ii^ra, iv. 1. 100, has 1 'U. The text is from Qq. JSS. Unes 288. 284: But, Warwick, Thou and Lord Oaford, with Jive thmisand men. We have added Lord, which Ff. omit, making the line a syllable short at the beginning. The same correction was proposed by Keightley. Lines 284-287 are not in Q«|. SS8. Lines 242, 248: I 'U join mine BLDBST daitghter and my joy To him forthioith in holy wedlock-baTwlit. Warwick's elder daughter, Isabel, was married to the Duke of Clarence at Calais in 1469; it was Anne, the younger daughter, who became the wife of Prince Ed- ward. The same error, which was probably the drama- tist's own, occurs it\fra, iv. 1. 118, but in Richard III. i. 1. 163, the Lady Anne is correctly described as " Warwick's youngest daughter." Theobald substituted younger for elder. m Lines 262. 263: And THOC, Lord Bourbon, our high-admit al, Shalt waft Uiem over with our royal Jleet Qq. have you and shcdL In F. 1 you has been altered to thou, but shaU remains. The text is from F. 2. "This personage was Louis, Count of Roussillon, a na- tural son of Cliarles, Duke of Bourbon," and grandson of John, Duke of Bourlwn, who occurs in Henry V. (French, p. 208). ACT IV. SCKNE 1. 285.— For the basis of the latter part of this scene see notes 18 and 20. Tliese events were but tlie precursors, and not, ns here represented, the result of Warwick's allisnce with Margaret. The dramatist, however, had chosen to subordinate everything else to this, in order, it may be, to avoid complicating his story with too many details of the tortuous course t»f the events of the time. Accordingly, in scene 6 Edward's flight to Flimders in Octol)er, 1470, is represented as following immediately Digitized by Google ACT IV. Soene 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT IV. Soene 1. on hit escape from Middl«ham in Aogust, 1460. Edwvd Actually was in Warwick's power twipe. See note 11. 186. Enter . . . Sombrskt.— As has been pointed out in note 4, supra, the Dnlce of .Somerset is wrongly introduced in tliis place. The fourth dulce was never anything but a Lancastrian. The mistake is from The Tme Tragedie. Malone (Var. Ed. xviii. p. 481) says that in that play Somerset does not appear in this scene; but this is an oversight, for line 127. "Clarence and Somerset both gone to Warwick," as well as the stage-direction after line 123, are both found, with trifling variations, in The True Tragedie (Hazlitt, p. 76). Perhaps the author was thinking of the third Duke of Somerset, who for a short time in the early part of the reign acknowledged Edward as king and was received into favour. Compare note 180 887. Line 8: Enter . . . PBMBROKK, STAFFORD, and Hastings.— After this F. 1 continues, "foure stand on one side, and foure on the other." No doubt the king stood in the middle. The passage suggests that the text of this play in F. 1 was printed from an acting copy. 888. Line 9: Now, brother Clarence, haw like you our choice.— ^Fi. have Now Brother e/* Clarence. How like you our Choyce. We follow Pope in omitting the 8M. Lines 78. 74: So your dislikes, to whom I would be pleasing. Doth cloud my joys with danger and with sorrow. For the form doth following a plural subject, compare the reading of Qq. In Komeo and Juliet, Prologue, lines 7.8. 8i6. Lines 84. 85 -Printed as prose in Ff. We follow Capell in arranging it as verse. 8i6. Lines 80-91. —In F. 1 these lines are printed thus : Cof t0o, wttfardon tfut: Therefore, in briefe, tell me their words, As neere as thou canst guesse them. What answer makes King, I^wis vnto our I.etten>V and so, substantially, F. 2. F. 3. F. 4. The arrangement in the text differs from tliat of Capell. usually adopted by modem editors. There must be a broken line, and the stage-direction added by us explains why we have pre- ferred to make the broken line at line 00. 847. Line 03: "Go tell false Edward, THY supposed king." —This is the reading of Qq. and of Rowe. Ff. have th*, althongh in iii. 8. 228, where the same line has already occurred, they read thy. 848 Line 110: sit you fast — Com^un v. 2. 3: "Montague, sit fast; I seek for thee;" and Peele, Battle of Alcazar, iii. 1. 48: where Stukely begins a monologue with the word^ " Sit fast, Sebastian;" also Beaumont and Fletcher, The Chances, ii. 8: ** sit fast, Don Fretleric !' (Works, 1 p. 502). The phrase was a popular one, meaning, "Look to yourself!" In Dekker, Match Me in London, it is found in its original application: " I must ride that Beast, and best sUfast" (Works, iv. p. 148). 840. Lines 124, 125: Not I: my thoughts aim at a further matter; Not for the love of Edtoard, but the crown I Uay. F. 1, followed substantially by the other Folios, reads: Not I : My tboui^hts ayme at a further matter ; 1 stay not for the loue of Edwar«l, but the Crownc. Capell's arrangement, which has been generally adopted. is as follows: Not I s My thouf^hts ahn at a further matter; I Stay not for the love of lulward, but the crown. The objection to this is that it is very unusual, at least in as early a play as this, to And a line ending with an unstopped monosyll.iMe following a pause. Pope nr- 191 Digitized by Google ACT IV. Soene 2. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. Acrriv. rtnges line 124 «s wo do, and omits the belore love in line 125. The Alexandrine might be avoided by reading : Noti: My thoughts aim at a furtlter mark; I stay Not for the love of Edward, but the crown. Mark would suit the passage very well, while inaiUr, which here must have a rather unusual force, might easily have been a misprint for mark. If this conjecture be adopted, tlie My at beginning of Une 125 must be em- phasized by the speaker. ACT IV. Scene 2. 860.— Edward was captured, according to Hall, shortly after the battle at Daneamoor. The passage on which this and the next scene are founded is as follows: "the kynge conceyninge a certayne hope of peace in his awne hnaginacion, toke bothe lesse hede to him selfe, and also lesse fered the outward atteptes of his enemyes. . . . All the kynges doynges were by espials declared to tlie erle of Warwycke, which lyke a wyse and politique Capi- tayne entendyng not to lese so great an auauntage to hym geoen, ... in the dead of the nyght, with an elect company of men of warre, as secretly as was possible set on the kynges felde. kylllng them that kept the watche, and or ^ the kynge were ware (for he thought of nothynge lesse then of that chaunce that happened) at a place called Wolneya . ilij . myle from Warwycke, he was takfi pry- soner." Hence " he caused hym by secret lomeys hi the nyght to be oonueyed to Myddelharo Castell in Yorkeshire, & there to be kept vnder the custody of the Archebishop of Yorke his brother " (p. 276). How far this statement re- presents what actually happened there is no sufficient evidence for deciding. 861. Line 12: Welcmne, sweet Clarence; my daughter thall be thiiie.—Vt read But welcome, Ac. Pope clianged sweet Clarence to friend, a very plausible emendation. But may have been inserted by mistake from the but in the line above. 868. Line 15: Hit soldiers lurking in the TOWKS about. — Ff. read town, and so do Qq.; but in/ra, sc. 3, line 13 (a passage not found in the True Tragedie), we have his chief followers lodge in towns about him, and the reading in the text has been generally adopted in consequence. 863. Lines 10-21. —The story of Rhesus and his horses is told in the tenth book of the Hind. He was a Thracian prince who came to bring help to Priam; but it had been prophesied that if his horses drank of the Xanthus and grazed on the Trojan plains the Greeks would never take Troy. AccordIn«ly Diomede and Ulysses came upon hira on the night of his coining, killeil him, and brought away his horsee. llie dramatist's authority may have been Ovid, Metamorphoses, xiii. 08-108. 240-252, and Viigil, ^neid, I. 4G0-473. ACT IV. SCKSE 3. 861 Line 14: While he himself keeps HERS tn (he cold field -Tf. omit here, which Hanmer inserted. 192 9 OIney. 866. Lines, 16, 17 ^ Ay, but give me WORSHIP and qutetness; I like it better t?uin a dangerous honour. Steevens compares FalstalT'a speech in I. Henry IV. v. 3^ 62: " I like not such grinning honour as Sir Walter bath; give me life." Worship, A S. y?eorthseipe, literallydenotea "worthiness," and hence "dignity." Compare Richard in. i. L 66: "that good man of worship." There the word seems to be used in a depreciatoiy sense. It de> notes the honour attaching to an elective office rather than that belonging to an hereditaiy title. 866. Line 30: Why, Warwick, when we parted LAST.— This is the reading of Qq. Ff. omit last 867. Line 82: When you disgrac'd me in my embassadb. —The word embassade occurs nowhere else in Shake- speare, who elsewhere uses embassage or embassy. It seems to have been adopted from Hall, who has it at p. 265, and again in the following passage: " speake of the vngeutle, vntrue and vnprincely handelyng of me, in the laste ambassade " (p. 270). HoUnshed in the correspond- ing passages uses embassage, as The True Tragedie does here (p. 78>. 868. Line 41: Brother qf Clarence, what, art thou here tooI—¥. I reads: Yea, Brother of Clai«nce, Act thou here too? It seems art first sig^t as if a li»e had been omitted, as Clarence has not yet spoken, unless we suppose that lines 88-40 should be given to him; but it may be intentional on the dramatist's part that Clarence should skulk in the background, until Waiwick alludes to him, and that Edward should address himself first to Ida brother, to whom belonged the greater ignominy in tliis transaction, purposely inflicUng a slight on Waiwick. The Ymt in F. 1 aeems to have been a mistake of the transcriber, whose eye was caught by the Jfay at the beginning of line 42. At any rate, the two consecutive lines beginning ysa aad nay are not pleasing to the ear, neither can line 41 as presented in F. 1 be made to scan, therefore we have ven- tured on the emendation in the text; and have added Uie stage-direction after line 88 to explain Edward's address- ing his speech fini to Clarence. 869. Lines 46-48: Though fortune's malice overthrow my state. My Tnind exoeeds the compass qf her whesL War. Then, for his mind, be Edward Bngland^t kivn. A variation of the idea which has occurred, supra, iil. 1. 60,60: Ay. but thou talk'st as If thou wert a king. A'. //e». Why, so I am— hi mind ; and that 's eiioit^. The metaphor in lines 40, 47 is hardly dear. 860. Line 55: I'll follow you, and tell HIM THUtX wkat answer.— The words Aim there are not In Ff., but were added by Dyce. Evidently two syllables are necessary. Pope read tell you what reply, instead of Ull wkat arnmer. which Dyce objects to, because, he says, " we mast sup- pose that Warwick had already informed Somerset^ tec, of the answers of Louis and the Lady Bona to Edward s message." Digitized by Google ACT IT. Soena 4. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT IV. Scene 7. ACT IV. Scene 4. m.— Editors generally, following Theobald, have laid this scene at " the palace/' U. of Westminster. The Tower was, however, a favourite residence of Edward's, and. we learn from Fabyan (p. 658) that the queen romained there, in the king's lodging, when Edward went to the north against Warwick's forces. The news of Edward's flight reached Elizabeth about the Ist of October, 1470, when, according to Stowe, she stole "secretly in the night out of the Tower of London by water to Westminster," and took sanctuary (p. 422X set. Line 19: T IS THIS that maket me bridle passion.— F.l reads: This is it that makes me bridle passion, which F. 2, F. 8, F. 4 seek to amend by inserting my before passion. I suspect that this may have been accidentally omitted by transcriber or printer, and afterwards inserted hi the wrong place; and then is it written for 'tis or it is. MS. Une 22: Artd stop the rising -8UCKlMa SIGHS.— See IL Henry YL note 180. SOI Line 81 : I'U hence forthwith unto the SANCTUAR7. —The sanctuary here referred to, as before intimated, is the precinct of Westminster Abbey, upon which Edward the Confessor is said to have conferred the privilege of giving protection to criminals who might take refuge there. Broad Sanctuary is still the name of the open space to the west of the Abbey. ACT IV. Scene 5. S66. Line 4: Thus STAin)S the ease.—¥. 1 reads stand for stands, an evident slip of the printer. Below, line 8, it has come for comes. S61 line 5: Is prisoner to the bishop, at whose hands.— Ft. have: Is prisoner to the Bi&hop Mtrt, at whose hands. We follow Pope in omitting here. VFt. Line 19: Your horse stands ready HIRE at the park-eomer.So Hanmer; fiere is omitted in Ff., making sn execrable line. S6S. Line 21: To Lynn, my lord; and SHIP from thenee to Flanders.— ¥. I has shipt In Qq. this line is given to Gloster. Neither Hastings nor Stanley has any speech usigbed to him, but instead of line 28 Edward speaks as follows: Hastings, and Stanlie, I will Requite your loues. —P. So. ACT IV. Scene 6. S6S.— Warwidi freed Henry from his imprisonment on the 12th of October, 1470, the Tower having been delivered up without resistance. In the parliament in November " kyng Edwarde was declared a traytor to his coQtrey, ft vsurpor of y Realme ... A all his goodes were cdfls- cate & adiudged, forfayted: A lyke sentence was geuen •gaynst all his partakers & fr§des." After settling the question of succession, "the erle of Warwycke as one to VOL. IL whome the commd welthe was much beholden, was made Kuler, & Oouemor of the Eealme, with whom as felow and compaignion was associated, George duke of Clarence his Sonne in law " (Hall, p. 286). 870. Line 20 : For few men rightly temper with the stars.— The use of the verb temper with the intransitive sense "suit oneself to," "act in conformity with," is not at all common. We ilnd, however, the word used transi- tively with the meaning "suit," "conform," in the fol- lowing passage: " to temper his talks to thefantasie and pleasure of &c. Orationem auribus multitndinis accom- modare. Cio." (Baret, Alvearie, sub voce). For the use of the word stars compare Bichard II. note 254. 871. Line 56: And all his lands and goods be confiscate. — F. 1 omiU be, which Malone inserted. F. 2, F. 8. F. 4 read confiscated; but confiscate is the only form of the par- ticiple used in Shakespeare, and is found in the passage of Hall quoted above (note 260> See Merchant of Venice, note 305. ACrr IV. Scene 7. 878. Line 1: Now, brother Richard, Hastings, and the rest.—Yt. have Lord Hastings. We follow Pope in omit- ting Lord. 878. Line 8: Ravenspurg.—Yov a notice of this place see Richard II. note 145. It is curious that in this passage the word is used ai a dissyllable and printed Bauenspurre in F. 1 (and Raunspur in Q. 1, Q. 8X while in Richard II., while the accentuation is the same, it is a trisyllable, and spelt Rauenspurgh, a form which F. 2, F. 3, F. 4 adopt in this place also. 874 Line 30: A wise stotU CAPITAIN, and soon persuaded. —We have adopted Lettsom's proposal, approved of by Dyce and Deli us. Ff. read captain, and Qq. gives : By my faith, a wise stout captain, Sc soone perswaded, which can hardly be considered a verse at alL Walker doubted if the trisyllabic pronunciation could be given to captain except in an author, like Spenser, of archaizing proclivities; but Lettsom quotes from Beaumont and Fletcher, A King and No King, iv. 8: The king may do much, cap'tain, believe it. —Works, L 69. where no other pronunciation seems possible. (See Cri- tical Examhiation of the Text of Shakespeare, iiL p. 171.) In Macbeth, L 2. 83, 84: Dismay'd not this Our captains. Macbeth and Banquo? the division of the lines is uncertain, so that no conclu- sion can be drawn from this passage. 878. Line 40: Sir John Montgomery.— See note 24. 876. Line 61: Away with scrupulous wit— The use of wit, in this and several other places in Shakespeare, with the meaning "wisdom," "judgment," approaches more nearly to the original sense of the word than its modern signiflcation. The primary sense of the word was simply " knowledge," as it is derived from the verb which in the inflnitive mood is wit, and in the present tense wot, mean- ing "know." 193 W Digitized by Google ACT IV. Scene 8. NOTES TO KING HENRY VL— PART III. ACT IV. Scene 8. 877. Line 77: Thanks, brave 3tontgo7nery;—thatikt unto you all— Ft. have: ^ttii tiiankes vnto you all. We have omitted the and as weak, unneceiaary, and pre- judicial to the metre. 878. Line 81: Above the border qf thU HORIZON.— The word horizon does not occur elsewhere in Shakespeare. We And it accented on the first syllable again in Brome's Lines to the memory of Dr. Heame (quoted in Richard- son): Our moon's ecHps'd, and th' occidenul sun Fights with old Aries for his kdrizon. Compare Chaucer, Frankeleines Tale: For the oritont hath reft the Sonne his light —Canterbury Tales, line 11339. ACT IV. Scene 8. 879.— This scene takes place in "the Bishops palace of London, adioyning to Poules church" (Hall, p. 294X where Henry was brought after his liberation from prison, and lived until he was again cast into prison. 880. Line 2: With hardt Oermant and blunt Hol- landers.—Hardy is Mr. Kinnear's suggestion; Cruces ShakespearianiB, p. 263. Qq. and Ff. read hasty, the only suitable meaning of which, in this passage, would be "passionate," "impetuous," an epithet hardly applicable to Oermana, or Flemings, whom the word is here used to denote. 881. Line 3: Hath pass'd in safety through the narrow SEAS.— For the meaning of "narrow seas" see note 71. Edward crossed from Flushing to Cromer; but, as Oxford was ready to oppose his advance, he did not land there, but sailed on to the Humber. 888. Line 6.— Ff. give this line to Henry. Instead of lines 6-8 Qq. read: Ox. 'T is best to looke to this betimes. For if this fire doe kindle any further. It will be hard for vs to quench it out Accordingly, we have adopted the arrangement first pro- posed by Malone, and have given line 6 to Oxford. 888. Line 12: Shalt stir in Suffolk, Norfolk, and in Kent — Ff. read stir up, an adaptation from Qq., where we have "Shalt in Essex, SutTolke, Norfoike, and in Kent, stir up;'* the words being variously divided into verses in the three editions. The passage is another instance of the careless- ness with which the revision of the old text was made. The history is of the dramatist's own invention, for Montague was at Pontefract in the south of Yorkshire, Oxford in the eastern counties with Exeter, and Clar- ence with Warwick at Warwick, when Edward reached Leicester in his march on London which was in the keep- ing of Somerset and the Archbishop of Yorlc 8M. Line SI: And all at once, once more, happy fare- utell—Ft. unrhythmically read a happy farewell. There is no other place in Shakespeare where fareutell means "parting," which seems the only sense which it can have here. 194 885.— In Qq. scenes 6 and 8 are thrown into one, scene 7 preceding them. From this cause probably the stage- direction in Ff. at the beginning of scene 8 wrongly in- serts Somerset among the persons present, copying, as ii seems, from the list at the beginning of the scene in Qq. It has, however, been supposed tliat Somerset is a blunder for Exeter, whom Ff. omit After Warwick's speech (line 82) Qq. continue: AU. AjH'eed. Exeunt Omttrs. Enter Edward and his traine. Ed. Sease on the shamefast Henry. —P. 8& The colloquy between Henry and Exeter, which inter- venes in Ff., is not found in Qq., and in neither is the play divided into acta or scenes. Mr. P. A. Daniel says: "Contrary to modem usage, I divide act iv. sc vilL into two scenes, assigning a separate day to the latter half (sc. viil a\ My division is, perhaps, justified by the stage- directions— such as they are- of the Folio and Quarto: the Exeunt of Folio and ExewiU omnes of Quarto whiih follow the departure of Warwick and the rest, may marie the termination of a scene, and though there is no direc- tion marking the re-entiy of the King and Exeter, the probability of the plot absolutely requires a separate scene here; otherwise we have Henry talking of his forces which are not yet levied as in existence, and Edward speaking of Warwick, who has only just left the stage, as now remaining at Coventry. I note that tlie Cam- bridge editors, in theU* reprint of The True Tragedy, Ac (the Quarto), number this scene of the seizure of King Henry as a separate scene. The ill contrivance of ihe modem sc. viii. has not escaped the notice of the com- mentators; but perhaps editors are more responsible for it than the dramatist" (see Time-analysis, &c., p. 321X But it may be pointed out that Henry might naturally speak of the forces that were going to fight for him as in existence, for Warwick and the othen were already in command of a considerable army: nor is it unnatural that Edward having heard of Warwick's intention to pro- ceed to Coventry, might presume he was already at that place. The compression of historical events, necessaij for the purposes of the stage, must give rise to many im- probabilities as far as lapse of time is concerned; and it seems to us that tlie difficulties mentioned by Mr. Daniel are not greater than tlie difl^culty of supposing that in the interval between the exit and the immediate re-en- trance of a character, forces could be levied, and Warwick could have marched from London to Coventry. It must be remembered that the whole scene, as it stands in our text, evidently takes place in the palace, so that the pre- sumption is that it is continuous. 886. Line 40: Nor POSTED OFF their suits with slow de- lays.—The same phrase is found in Hackluyt, Voyages, vol. 1. p. 247: " Master Chanceler (seeing himself held in this suspense with long and vaine expectation, and think- ing that of intention to delude him, they posted the matter off so often) was very instant with them to per- forme their promise;" and in Webster's Dictionary the following passage is quoted from Baxter: **Why did I venturously post off so great a matter?" In II. Henry VI. iii. 1. 265, the phrase posUd over is used with the sense rather of hurried over than " passed Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT V. Scene 1. by," and the same is the case with o'erposting in II. Henry IV. L 2. 171. 887. Line 43: My mercy dried their WATKR-FLOWllfQ tears.— ThAt toaUr-fiowing means "flowing like water" is easily seen from the similar expressions /unio^e-frumin^, U. L 80, and windchangitig, v. 1. 57. Wallcer, however, \ho\ks\ii flowing might mean "shedding," and Capell pro- posed to alter lean to eyea^ while Collier's MS. Corrector read bitter-flounng. 188. Line 50.— We have, with Dyce. adopted Johnson's correction of the stage-direction. Ff. read ** A Lancaster, A Lancaster," of which no satisfactory explanation can be given: it was probably, like many other stage-directions, not given at all by the author. 888. Line 61: Cold biting winter mars our hop'd-for hay. —Compare Wily Beguiled: When roost you did expect a sunshine day. My father's will would mar your hofd-for hay. — Dodsley, vol. iz. p. 299. ACT V. Scene 1. 880. Line 3.— Dunsmore Heath lies on the road from Daventry to Coventry, about half-way between the two placea The Fosse way, the Roman road which goes from Seaton on the south coast of Devonshire to Lincoln, passes by the Heath on the north-west On some old maps the name is written Duntmere. 88L Lines 4, 5: Where is the post that came from Montague f^ How far off is our brother Montague f , These lines appear to have been accidentally transposed in Qq. and Ft There is no reason, dramatic or otherwise, for Warwick putting the cart before the horse in this in- stance. He may be very excited, but he has not so com- pletely lost bis self-control as to ask a question of a per- son whom he cannot see, and of whose exact whereabouts he is at least uncertain. 888. Line 6: Daintry is still the form which the name of Daventry takes in the mouths of the inhabitants. 888. Line 7: SomerviUe.—See note 25. 881 Line 12: It is not his, my lord; here Southam lies. —From Nottingham Edward had advanced to Leicester, new forces coming daily to his standard. Warwick mean- while levied troops in Warwickshire; Oxford Joined him at WarwiciL Clarence should have brought up reinforce- ments from London, but delayed, so Warwick awaited Edward at Coventry. " In the meane season," says Hall (p. 288), " kyng Edward came to Warwycke, where he foonde all the people departed, and from thence with al diligence auaQced his power toward Couentre, A in a playne by the citie he pytched his felde. And the next day after that he cam thither, hys men were set for- warde, and marshalled in array, (t he vali&tly bad the erle battayle: which mistnistyng that he should be de- oeaued by the duke of ClarCce (as he was in dede) kept hyro selfe close within the wallea ... the duke of Clarence came forward toward hym with a great army, kyage Edward beynge also theruf enformed, rayped hys campe, & made toward the duke. . . . Wlig eche host was in sight of other. Rychard duke of Glocester, brother to them both, as though he had bene made aibi- trer betwene them, fyrst rode to the duke, and with hym commoned very secretly: from him he came to kyng Ed- ward, and with lyke secretnes so vsed hym, that in con- clusion no vnnaturall warre, but a frateruall amitie was concluded and proclaymed, and then leuyng all armye and weapd a syde, both the bretheme louyngly em- braced, and familierly commoned together." Tlie drama- tist has followed this account of Hall's: he either did not know of or else disregarded the eorrecter version in Holinshed, from which we learn that Edward came from Leicester to Coventry and defied the Earl of Warwick, but finding he could not provoke a battle, withdrew to Warwick and there met and was reconciled with Clar- ence (pp. 307, SOS). Overtures of peace were made to Warwick, but scornfully rejected. The Warwick road entered Coventry on the south-west by Greyfriars Gate: that from Southam appears to have entered by New Gate. From either this or Gosford Gate —outside which Edward is elsewhere » said to have en- camped—Warwick would be looking eastwards. On coming up from Warwick Edward must be supposed to have found the Greyfriars Gate closed against him, and to be coming round the city wall. Warwick hears the drum somewhere behind him, whereas the road from Southam, which Somerville points to, is before him. 886. Lines 37. 88: And, weakling, Warwick takes his gift again; And Uenry is my king, Warwick his subject The second and at the beginning of line 38 is singularly weak. As has been already observed in reference to II. Henry VI. (see note 61 on that play), the number of weak ands is very remarkable. We would propose to read: Henry is tiojtf my kinjf, Warwick his subject. 886. Line 89: Warwick's king is Edteard's prisofier.— The sequence of events has been altered for dramatic effect. Edward came to Coventry on his way towards London. As soon as the capital was reached Henry again became a captive, and he was borne with the Yorldst troops to the field of Bamet 887. Lines 43. 44: whiles he thought to steal the single ten. The king was sl'dy fingered frotn tJie DECK ! " The single ten " is Clarence, whom Warwick had, as it were, got into his hands by underhand means. Single signifies "feeble." Thus we find in Taming of the Shrew, act ii. line 407: "Yet I have fac'd it with a card of ten." Deck, meaning a pack of cards, is a slang term, not to be found in some dictionaries: Ash, however, records it, with many other cant words. Compare Peele, Edward I.: ** the king hath put us amongst the discarding cards, and, as it were, turned us with deuces and treys out of the deck " (Works, p. 393). Lytton uses the word In one of his novels, and it still exIsU In the T'nited States (see Bartlett, Dic- tionary of AnieHcnnlsms, sub voce). 1 Dugdale's Warwickshire, ed. 1730, p. 143; W. Suiith's, 1810, p. 304. 195 Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 1. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART IIL ACT V. Scene 8. S88. Line 40: Nay, WHBK? strike now, or ehe the iron eooU. — ^This line shows how when came to be generally used as an exclamation of impatience. Compare Richard II. L 1. 162, 163: When, Harry, when? Obedience bids 1 should not bid again. 899. Lines 68, 69 : Thou and thy brother both shall BUT thU treason Even WITH THE DEAREST BLOOD your bodies bear. The meaning seems to be pay dearly for. See Midsum- mer Night's Dream, note 218. Qq., however, read abie, for which see the same play, note 191. From meaning " produce," the verb bear easily comes to mean "ixwsess" or "contain." Compare Winter's Tale, v. 8. 64, 66: "those reins did verily bear blood," and Julius Csosar, ii. 1. 187. 800. Line 78: Two qf thy natn^.— See below, note 389. 801. Line 78: With whom an upright zeal to right pre- vails.—This is the reading of F. 2, F. 8, F. 4. F. 1 erro- neously has: With whom, in rpriglit scale to right, preuailes. 80t. Lines 80, 81.— In Qq. the following stage-direction precedes line 80: "Sound a Parlie, and Richard and Clarence whispers togither, and then Clarence takes his red Rose out of his hat, and throws it at Warwike " (p. S9X Ff. give no direction at all here; most editors, how- ever, following Capell, have introduced the latter part of this direction after line 81. If this be done, surely the former part should also be retained. 808. Lines 83-88.— While Clarence and Warwick were at the French court in 1469 a certain damsel came from Edward to Clarence with secret overtures of amity. " She perswaded the Duke of Clarence, that it was neither naturall, nor honorable to hym, either to condiscende or take pafte, against the house of Yorke (of whiche he was lineally discended) and to set vp again the house of Laun&stre, whiche lignage of the house of Yorke, was , . f . by the whole Parliament of the realme, declared " to be the very and indubitate heires of the Kyngdome " • » (Hall, p. 281). These are the arguments which the drama- tist has put into Clarence's mouth. Doubtless it Was the acknowledgment of Prince Edward as heir, and his mar- riage with Warwick's daughter, which estranged the am- bitious and disappointed Clarence from Warwick's side. This, however, could not be hinted here, nor indeed has the dramatist thought fit to suggest it in any part of the play. 801 Lines 9(V' 91: To kee^ that, oath were more impiety {i^ JSPHTHAH'S, when he mierific'd his daughter. See Judgtes tL. 80-39. The text is Rowe'a F. 1, F. 2 read lephah, F. 8, F. 4 Tepthah. Cf. Hamlet, ii. 2. 422. ACT V. Scene 2. 805. Une 2: Warwiok was a bug that fear'd w aU.— Compare Taming of the Shrew, note 66. Bug is a word of Celtic origin, meaning a spectre, or terrifying object So in How a Man may choose a Good Wife from a Bad we find: 196 not these drugs Do send me to the infernal bugs. But thy unkindness. So, adieu : Hobgoblins, now I come to you. — Dodsley, vol. ix. p. 50 In the Book of Psalms, the words "thou shalt not be afraid for the terror by night," of the Authorized Version (xci 5) are rendered, "Thou shalt not nede to be afraid for any Bugges by nigfate," in the versions of Coverdale, 1535, Matthew (or rather RogersX 1537, and Tavemer, 1539; but the Great Bible of 1539 established the reading ferrour.i In Rider's Dictionary, terrieulum is interpreted "a thing that putteth in great feare, a scarecrow, a bugge." Compare Peele. Battle of Alcazar, L 2: Why. boy. is Amurath's Bassa such a ^g" That he is mark'd to do this doiq^hty deed? -Works, p. 434- 800. Line 14: Whose top-branch overpeer^d Jove's spread- ing tree.— For overpeer'd compare Merchant of Venice, note 7. Jove's tree is the oak. See Virgil, Georgics, iii 882: magna lovis antiquo robore quercus Ingentes tendat ramos. Compare Marlowe, Edward II.: I stand as Jove's huge tree. And others are but shrubs compared to me. —Works, p. an. and As You like It, iii 2. 249. 807. Line 44: Which sounded like a clamour in a vauU, —We have adopted the reading of Qq.. which Warburton introduced. Ff. have cannon. The line has some like- ness to U. 8. 18, supra: Like to a dismal clangor heard from far. 808. Line 46: moti^At — The verb tnay (A.S. mteg), of which the infinitive was mugan in Anglo-Saxon, and mouie or mowen in Middle English, had two forms of the pre- terite, viz. might and mofught, A.S. mihte and meahU (or mahte). The same form as occurs in this place is used by Peele, Eclogue Gratulatorie,— O honour's fire, that not the brackish sea Mougkl quench ! —Works, p. 563. The word is said to be found in Chaucer; Drayton uses it, it occurs in the Mirror for Magistrates, and in the Mis- fortunes of Arthur (Dodsley, vol iv.X and is still pre- served, vernacularly, in England and in the United States. It occurs nowhere else in Shakesi>eare, and in the parallel passage of the Quarto we find eottZd. It is probable that Shakespeare employed this old verb here in order to avoid tiie Jingle of the might in the next line. ACT V. Scene 8. 809. Lines 7. 8: / VMan, my lords, those powers that the qvten Hath rais'd in Gallia have ARRIV'D our coast. The transitive use of the verb arrive occurs in three other places in Shakespeare. See Lucrece, 781 : Ere he arrivt his weary noon-tide prick. The battle of Bamet was fought on Easter Sunday, the 14th of April, and on the same day Queen Margaret* whom adverse winds had kept inactive in Normandy ever 1 See H. Stevens, Bibles in the Cazton Exhibition, p. 91. Digitized by Google ACrr V. Scene 4. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PART III. ACT V. Scene 5. since November, landed, after a stonnj passage from HoDflenr, at Weymoath in Dorsetshire. On Tuesday the news reached Edward (HoUnshed, pp. 812, 815X SIO. Line 12: Tht very beams vnll dry thote vapoun up. —This is the reading of F. 1. The Cambridge editors give the for thy without any remark. Edward's cogni- sance, th« sun of York, is alluded to, as in line 5. Com- pare Richard III. L 1. 2, and see note 114. 811 Line 21 : wiUinfftieM rid§ way. —Compare Peele, Ar- raigument of Paris, L 2 (Works, p. 861): My Rune b quick, and rids a length of ground ; and CotgraTe. Dictionary, sub wee Tirer; ** Titer paU ... (In traTelllng) to goe on, rid ground, gain way." ACrr V. Scene 4. aiS. Lines 8, 9: With tearful eyes add water to the sea , And give more strength to that which hath too mttch. The same fancy occurs again in As You Like It, U. 1. 42-49: Stood on the extremest rerge of the swift brook, Augmentiog it with tearb. . . . As worldlings do, giring thy sum of more To that which had too much. Indeed It seems to have been a sort of stock sentiment. Compare A Lover's Complaint, lines 89, 40; Romeo and JnUet, L L 13S. 818. Line 23: As good to chide the waves as speak them fair. —The meaning is, for all the advantage that we shall get from the Yorkists, who are remorseless as the sea, by offers of submission, we might as well defy them at once. Parleying is now useless. 814. Line 34: 1/ cask some ofie of y<»u would fly from iw.— Compare the "very proper dittie to the tune of Lightie love " (given in Staunton's Shakespeare, voL L p. 745), whose last lines are: Amende, and whats said, shall soone be amended, If cast that your lightie lore, no kmger do rayne. The phrase occurs twelve times in Peele's Sir Clyomon and Sir Clamydes. 818. Line 76: Ye see, I drink the water of 3in(B EYES.— Ff . read my eye. We have followed Capell and most sub- sequent editors in retaining the reading of Qq. ACrr V. Scene 5. 816.— This scene originally doubtless formed a continua- tion of the foregoing. Qq. divide the two scenes by the following stage-direction: " Alarmes to the battell, Yorke flies, then the chambers i be discharged. Then enter the king, Cla. & Olo. and the rest, & make a great shout, and crie, for Yorke, for Yorke, and then the Queene is taken, & the prince, &, Oxf. ft Sum. and then sound and enter all againe"(p. 94). The business here ordered was to represent to the audience the battle of Bamet, and the direction in Ff., though much abbreviated, indicates Just 1 Small the same evolutions. As it is more convenient to con- sider the battle to have taken place in the interval between the scenes, we have omitted that part of the direction which relates to it. 817. Line 1: ho here a period of tumultuous broils.—Ft. have Now for Lo, which is from Qq. 818. Line 2.— See note 6. 819. Line 8: For Somerset, off with his guUty hsad.^AB to the execution of Somerset, see Richard III. note 1. 880. Line 16: aU the trouble thou hast TUR5'D me to.— Compare the Tempest, L 2. 63, 64: O. my heart bleeds To think o' the teen that I have turM'djou to: and Merry Wives of Windsor, v. 6. 89, 90: If he be chaste, the flame will back descend. And turn him to no pain. an. Lines 28, 24: That you might stUl have toom the petticoaU And ne'er have stol'n the breech from Lancaster. The old saying of a shrewish wife that she wears the breeches is aUuded to in II. Henry VI. L 8. 149: Though in this place most master wear no Iweeches. In Sherwood's English Index to Cotgrave's Dictionary, we find, sub voce Breech, "She weareth the breeches. Dit d'une femme, qui a la superiority de son marl EUe porte lea brayea." 888. Line 26: jEsop was hunchbacked, we are told. Qq. and Ff. read sorts in the next line, which Rowe corrected to sort. 888. Line 88: K. Edw. Take that, the likeness of this railer here. [Stabs him.]— Edward did not himself stab the prince, but only thrust him back, or, as some si^, struck him with his gauntlet See the quotation from Hall in note 2. V 881 Line 60: The Tower, the Tower!— Ft. read "Tower, the Tower." , 885. Line 67: As, deathsmen, you have RID this sufeet young prince!— Compare The Tempest, i, 2. 864: The red plague ridyoul Greene, Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay: Laor. Then. Edward, short my life, and end her love. Mar. Rid me, and keep a friend worthy many loves. —Works, p. i66. Peele, Edward L: I riJ her not ; I made her not ai*^ ^Works, p. 406. 886. Line 77: What, wilt thou tiott— Where ismm^viTs butchert—¥1. add Richard at the end of this line, catch- ing the word up by mistake from the line next following. 887. Line 78: Hard-favour'd Iiichard.-ln the History of Edward V. and Bichard IIL, attributed to Sir Thomas More, Richard is described as "harde fauoured of visage, such as in estates* is called a warlike visage, and emonge commen persones a crabbed face" (Hall, p. 343). S Princes. 197 Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 6. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.— PAET III. ACT V. Soeiw 7. ACrr V. Scene 6. 8S8.— As to the murder of Henry, see note 1. Hall, as tistiol, gires no date. The battle of Bamet was fought on April 14th, 1471; on May 4th Margaret was defeated at Tewksbury. Edward had returned to Coventry, whither everyone hastened to do him homage, when on the 12th of May, the bastard of Fauconberg, at the head of a large l)ody of Kentish insurgents, attacked and flrcil London in various quarters. He was at last driven back by Urs- wick the recorder, and Earl Rivers. On May 21st Edward arrived at the capital with (it is said) 30,000 men, and tlie rebels dispersed. Henry ended his life that night, and the next day his body was exposed in St Paul's. Richard is represented by the dramatist, by a very pardonable license, as leaving immediately after Tewksbury for the Tower in order to murder Henry. (See above, scene 5, line 60.) This scene is embodied in act i. scene 2 of Colley Cib- tier's too well-known perversion of Richard III., which from the year 1700 was the only form in which that play was represented on the stage even down to the time of the late Charles Kean. 8S9. Line 10: What scene of death fiath Boscitu now to ac< A-Quintus Roscius was a very celebrated actor in comedy at Rome. He is said to have given instruction in elocution to Cicero, and was a friend of the great orator AS well as of many other celebrated men of that time. Like ^Esopus, his contemporary in tragedy, he amassed a large fortune. He died in the year 62 B.C. The Eliza- i)ethan writers used the name Roscius to signify merely an actor, not heeding whether it were in tragedy or comedy. Accordingly the appellation is here given to Richard, partly, it would seem, in allusion to his hypo- critical character. S80. Line 15: /, the haplesi MALE to one sweet bird.— Monck Mason (Var. Ed. xviii. p. 538) observed that male here denotes " parent ; " a sense of the word which seems unique. Bird, as in ii. 1. 91, has the not uncommon mean- ing of ** young/' or "offspring." 881. Lines 18-25.— Drcdalus, according to the story, was imprisoned by Minos, king of Crete, and finding on his escape that no ship could be procured, he fashioned wing^ for himself and his son Icarus, and fastened them on with wax. But Icarus flying too near the sun, the wax which fastened his wings melted, and he was drowned. From him a part nf the ^Egean was called the Icarian Sea. The story is told by Ovid, Metamorphoses, bk. viii. lines 183-285. With lines 22, 23. compare Wily Beguiled: He is the only fiery Phaethon Denus my course, and s>and and thysdf From to/ of honour to disgrace's feet : Digitized by Google ACT V. Scene 7. NOTES TO KING HENRY VI.-PART III. ACT V. Scene 7. and Antony and Cleopatra, v. I. 43: lay competitor In to/ of all desi^. 889. Linea 5, 7, &— See II. Henry VI. notes 6 and 9, and notes 4, 0, and 7 of the present play, for these Somersets, Cliffords, and Northumberlands. 840. Lines 5, 6: renovm'd For hardy and undoubted championg. The same use of the preposition /or has occurred before, iT. e. 26: Yoar grace hath still been fanu'd/or virtaous. Compaie II. Henry VI. i. 8. 182: Doth any one accuse York Jar a traitor? For renoton'd, which is the reading of Qq., Ff. give renoufne or renown. S4L Line 10: Uie two brave BEARS, Warwick and Mon- tague.—T^Xiere is an allusion here to the well-lcnown badge of the bear and the ragged staff. See II. Henry VI. Y. 1. 144, and note 828 on that play. 848. Line 18: Went aU afoot in tummer^i soalding ?ieat.—Went is the participle as well as the preterite tense of the verb wend. Just as sent is of tend. The par- ticipial use is uncommon in Elizabethan English, but oc- curs in Fairfax, Godfrey of Bulloigne, book iil. stanza 70: But when he saw her gentle soul was wtHf, His manly courai^e to relent began. The expression scalding heat finds a parallel in Carew's Coelum Britannicum: to all weathers. The chillinsr frost and scaldt$ig sun, expose Their equal face. 848. Line 80: Q. Eliz. Thanks, noble Clarence; worthy brother, thanks.— ¥. 1, F. 2 give this line to Clarence, an evident blunder, as is the correction " King" of F. 8, F. 4. In Qq. it is assigned to the queen, to whom it was restored by Theobald. 841 Line 44: Such as BEFIT the pleasure of the court f— Qq. and Ff. read befits for befit. The text is Pope's. WORDS OCCURRING ONLY IN KING HENRY VI. PART III. XoTE.— The addition of sub., adj., verb, adv. in brackets immediately after a word indicates that the word is used as a substantive, adjective, verb, or adverb only in the passage or passages cited. The compound words marked with an asterisk {*) are printed as two separate words in F. 1. Act Sc Line Abodements. . . iv. 7 13 Alms-deed v. 5 70 Battle (verb) . . ii. Bear- whelp.... iiL Bemoan li. Blood-sucking, iv. Bodge (verb) . . i. Bright-shining, v. Brother-Uke... v. Butcherly . By-word. . . ii. ii. iU. i. iU. ii. ChUdkUler.... Clangor. , Clear-shining., Concubine Conditionally. Conform Contemplate . . Crook-back(sub.)|"- Crook-back (adj.) L Bsngerous (adv.) i Darraign ii. I>eck (of cards), v. I>elicates (sub.) ii. Bnimmer It. 5 74 2 161 5 110 4 22 4 10 3 8 1 105 5 89 2 112 8 18 1 28 2 98 1 8 5 2 5 4 1 11 2 72 1 44 5 51 7 60 Kaseful v. 8 6 Kwy-melting . . ii. 1 171 Act 8c Line Effuse (sub.)... ii. 6 27 Enibassade iv. 3 32 194 285 Entail (verb).. I j* ^ *Fair-8hining.. Ii Fast-falling.... t Fence( = defence),! v. Fiercely il. Flail ii. Footstool V. Forecast v. Forlorn (sub.)., iii. Forslow il. Furnace-burning ii. Oentle-hearted I. Great-grown. . . iv. Hardest-timbered ii. Hearten! ii. Holding-anchor v. Horizon Iv. Hunger-starved i. •Ill-got II. Invective* i. 1 40 4 162 1 44 1 121 Lade Hi. 2 189 1 Lucrece, ass. s Locrece. Arg. 14. Act 8c Line Launds ifl. 1 2 *Life-time i. 1 171 LineaUy HI. 8 87 Luckless ■! "• ^ ^^ I V. 6 45 Magnanimity., v. 4 41 Malcontent(adJ.)-J*^- ^ ^^ (iv. 1 60 Mirthful V. 7 43 Miserably i. 3 42 Mislike (sub.) iv. 1 24 Mlsproud il. 6 7 Mis-shaped... Ill 2 170 Night-crow v. 6 45 Night-foes iv. 8 22 Overshine^.... ii. 1 38 'Parliament-house I. 1 71 Persecutor *Placker-down Poltroon Prancing Preachment... Prejudicial V. 6 81 U. 8 87 i. 1 62 ii. 1 24 L 4 72 I. 1 144 s Tenos and Adonf i, 813. 4 Used here litcrallr-to shine upon. It occnra twice (Troil. iii. 1. 171: Tit i. 817) in the wnte of " to excel." 199 Act 8c. Line Prepare (sub.>. Iv. 1 131 Proud-hearted., v. 1 98 *Puller-down.. Iii. 8 157 Quenchless^. .. L 4 28 27 Rack (verb, of) jj clouds) f Railer v. 6 88 Repass iv. 7 5 Replant iii. 3 108 Repurchased., v. 7 2 *Rich-embroidered ii. 5 44 Rooked. v. e 47 Sad-hearted... 11. 5 128 Septentrion.. . . i. 4 136 •8etter-np ■( "* ^ ^ Uii. 8 157 She-wolf I. 4 111 ^^^^^If <^"°^ } la 2 156 = wither)... ) Shriver III. 2 108 Sinew (verb)«.. IL 6 90 Slth(prep.).... Ii. 1 106 8 Lncreoe, 1354. e Used with to(reM«r in the nnie of" to knit." SinttMd=" haying sinewi" occun John r. 7. 88. Digitized by Google WORDS PECULIAR TO KING HENRY VL— PART III. Act Se. Line Slaked (tnui8.X L 8 29 Sturdy* L 1 60 Tearful v. 4 8 •Thick-grown.. III. 1 1 Thrasher. IL 1 181 Top-branch.... v. 2 14 7 Lacreoe, 1677 (iDtmu.). 8 Venus and Adonia, Ui. Act 8c Line Treacheroualy* U. 1 72 *1 rue-anointed liL 8 29 Unchanging... 1. 4 116 TT (iii. 8 232 Undutiful V. 6 88 Unhoped iii 8 172 • Lvoreoe, Arg. 14. Act Be Line UnUcked iii. 2 161 Unloving it 2 26 Unnaturally... L 1 198 Unpardonable, i. 4 106 Unwares ii. 6 62 Visard-like., I 4 116 Water-flowing.. It. 8 48 Water-ttanding t. 6 40 AetScLiM Weakling 10... t. 87 Well-chosen... iv. 7 Well-meant... iiL 67 WeU-mlnded.. iv. 27 Wind-changing v. 57 129 114 WlBhful Iii 14 Wiap U. 144 10 Lucreoe, IB*. ORIGINAL EMENDATIONS ADOPTED. Note 48. I. 1,66: And thine, Lord Clifford; TOU HAVB both vovfd revenge. 49. i 1. 62: Patienee iMfor poUroom, fob swh at he. 94. i 4. 15, 16: Richard cried, "Charge I and give no foot qf ground!" Edward, "A eroton, or eUe a glorioue tomb!" 207. iii 2. 181: all the look'd-for ieeue qf their bodiet. 225. Ui. 8. 140: To Edward, TIS; not to the English king. 240. iv. 1. 22, 28: ay, 't were pity To sunder them that yoke so well together. 249. It. i 124. 126: Not I: my thoughts aim at a further matter; Not for the love qf Edward, but the crown I stay. Note 261. 258. 277. 291. iv. 2. 12: Welcome, tweet darenee; my daughter shall be thine. Iv. 8. 41: Brother qf darenee, WHAT, art thou hers toof It. 4. 19: T is THIS that makes me bridle passion. Iv. 7. 77: Thanks, brave Montgomery;— thanks unto you all. iv. a 81: And all at once, once more, happy /are- weH V. 1. 4, 5: Where is the post that came from Montague f^ How far of is our brother Montaguef ORIGINAL EMENDATIONS SUGGESTED. Note 54. 64. 66. 80. i L 84: WHAT! shall I standi i 1. 193: Whom J UNNATURAL shall disinherit. i 1. 106: Conditional that here thou take an oath. i 2. 18: Giving the house qf Lancaster leave to breathe. 200 Note 249. 296. iv 1. 124, 126: My thoughts aim. ett a further mark; / stay Not for the love qf Edward, but the crown, V. 1. 88: Henry is NOW my king, Warwick his tub- jeet Digitized by Google HENBY VI. CONDENSED FROM SHAKESPEARE By CHARLES KEMBLE. INTRODUCTION BY F. A. MARSHALL. Digitized by Google DRAMATIS PERSONiE. ^ bis sons. King Henry the Sixth. Edward, Prince of Wales, his son. HuHPHRET, Duke of Gloucester. Cardinal Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester. Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter. Earl of Suffolk, afterwards Marquess and Duke of Suffolk. Richard Plantagenet, afterwards Duke of York. Edward, Earl of March, afterwards ^ Edward IV., George, afterwards Duke of Clarence, KioHARD,afterward8 Duke of Gloucester,/ Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset. Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, his son. Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham. Duke of Norfolk. Thomas Montague, Earl of Salisbury. Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury. Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, his son. Marquess of Montague, brother to the above. Earl of Richmond, a youth. Guards, Citizens, Messengers, Lord Clifford. Lord Stafford. Sir John Somerville. Vernon, of the White Rose or York faction. Basset, of the Red Rose or Lancaster faction. Clerk of Chatham. Jack Cade, a rebel. George Bevis, n John Holland, Dick the Butcher, Smith the Weaver,/ SiNKLO, ) „ V two Keepers. Humphrey, ) 1st Watchman. 2nd Watchman. 1st Murderer. 2nd Murderer. Huntsman. followers of Cade. Queen Margaret. Lady Elizabeth Grey, Edward IV. >, Watchmen, Ladies, &c. afterwards Queen to Scene — Partly in England and partly in France. HISTORIC PERIOD. From 1426 to 1471. Digitized by Google HENEY VI-CONDENSED. INTRODUCTION. The matter of this play is taken fix)m the Three Parts of Henry VI. with the exception of seven passages from Richard II., amounting in all to 35 lines, and two passages from Richard III., amounting in all to 58 linea Very few of the lines in this play are not to be found in Shakespeare. Such lines we have marked with an asterisk ; although, in many cases, part of these lines are either taken from Shakespeare's own words, or closely imitated therefrom. Only in two instances has Charles Kemble introduced words which Shakespeare has not used, namely, hitU (the verb), ii. 4. 25, and unfurl^ iii. 5. 192 ; and he has been guilty of an impropriety in the use of the modern exclamation Huzza (iii. 4. 98); which, although it is the older form of Hurrah^ is not to be foimd, apparently, in any author before Evelyn (1665). Neither form of the exclamation occurs in Shakespeare. Nowhere has the adaptor attempted to rise to such original flights as Cibber ; in fact this condensed play shows how much greater reverence was felt for the text of Shakespeare in Charles Kem- ble's time, compared with that of Crowne, or Cibber, or even of David Garrick. It is a matter of some difficulty to identify all the passages from Shakespeare that have been brought into requisition. In those cases where the text has been rigidly adhered to we have used the expression " Taken from." In those cases where some words and phrases have been altered, or the sequence of the lines re-arranged, we have used the expression "Adapted from." It has been impossible to note all cases where speeches have been taken from one character and assigned to another. But, on the whole, it will be found easy for anyone interested in the subject to follow closely the mode in which Charles Kemble did his work, and we think it will be generally admitted that, at least, this is a very ingenious piece of mosaic ; evincing a thorough knowledge of Shakespeare, a con- scientious regard for the integrity of his text — as far as the requirements of the stage will permit — and a thorough sympathy with the spirit of his work. It does not appear that this play was ever published, or performed in the theatre. Our text is printed from the only copy known, which is in the possession of Mr. Henry Irving; the MS. portion being in Charles Kemble's own handwriting. The account of two other acting versions of Henry VI., both of which were represented on the stage, will be found in the Introduction to Part II. and Part III. of Henry VI. 20.3 Digitized by Google Digitized by Google HENEY VI. A TRAGEDY IN FIVE ACTS. CONDENSED FROM SHAKESPEARE, AND ARRANGED FOR THE STAGE By CHARLES KEMBLE. «% The Lvnet marked with an asterisk are those interpolated by Keinble. ACT I. ^ [Scene I.] The Temple Garden in London, [A clamour within.'] Enter Richard Plantaoenet, Salisbury, Warwick, Somerset, Clifford, Vernon, Basset, Lordsy LawyerSy and Attendants. Plan. Great lords, and gentlemen, what means this silence? Dare no man answer in a case of truth? Clif. Within the Temple hall we were too loud; he garden here is more convenient. Plan. Then say at once if I maintained the truth; Or, else,* was wrangling Somerset in the error? Clif. Faith, I have been a truant in the law; And never yet could frame my will to it; And, therefore, frame the law unto my will Som. Judge you, my lord of Warwick, then between us. lo War. Between two hawks, which flies the higher pitch, Between two horses, which doth bear him best. Between two blades, which bears the better temper, Between two girls, which hath the merriest eye. 1 This scene is taken mainly from I. Henry VI. ii. 4. 3 Or, else, or in other words. I have, perhaps, some shallow spirit of judg- ment; But in these nice sharp quillets^ of the law. Good faith, I am no wiser than a daw. Pldn. Tut, tut, here is a mannerly forbear- ance: Since you are tongue- t^d and so loth to speak. In dumb significants^ proclaim your thoughts: Let him, that is a true-bom gentleman, 21 And stands upon the honour of his birth. If he suppose that I have pleaded truth. From oflf this briar pluck a white rose with me. Som^ Let him that is no coward, nor no flatterer. But dare maintain the party* of the truth. Pluck a red rose from off this thorn with me. War. I love no colours; and without all colour Of base insinuating flattery, I pluck this white rose, with Plantagenet. so Clif. I pluck this red rose, with young Somerset; And say withal, I think he held the right Sal. Stay, lords and gentlemen; and pluck no more. Till you conclude — that he, upon whose side The fewest roses are crop'd from the tree. Shall yield the other in the right opinion. * Qui22eto, subtleties. 4 Significants, mute indications or signs. » Party, side. 205 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 1. HENRY VL— CONDENSED. ACT I. Scene I. Som. My lord of Salisbury, it is well ob- jected; If I have fewest, I subscribe in silence. Plan. And I. Sal. Then, for the truth and plainness of the case, 40 I pluck this pale and maiden blossom here, Giving my verdict on the white rose side. Som. Prick not your finger as you pluck it oflf; Lest, bleeding, you do paint the white rose red, And fall on my side so against your wilL Sal. If I, my lord, for my opinion bleed, Opinion shall be surgeon to my hurt, And keep me on the side where still I am. Scmi. Well, well, come on: Who else? Law. Unless my study and my books be false, ^ The argument you held, was wrong in you; [To Somerset. In sign whereof, I pluck a white rose too. [ Vernon, Basset, and all the persons present chtise t/ieir roses, but much the greater part white ones. Plan. Good Vernon, I am bound to you, and all. That you on my behalf would pluck a flower. [They shout and wave t/ieir white roses. Now, Somerset, where is your argument? Som. Here, in my scabbard, meditating that Shall dye your white rose in a bloody red. Plan. Mean time, your cheeks do counter- feit our roses; For pale they look with fear, as witnessing The truth on our side. Som. No, Plantagenet, 60 'T is not for fear; but anger — that thy cheeks Blush for pure shame, to counterfeit our roses; And yet thy tongue will not confess thy error. Plan. Hath not thy rose a canker, Somer- set? Som. Hath not thy rose a thorn, Planta- genet? Plan. Ay, sharp and piercing, to maintain his truth; Whiles thy consuming canker eats his false- hood. Som^ Well, I'll find friends to wear my bleeding roses, 206 That shall maintain what I have said is true, Where false Plantagenet dare not be seen. 70 Plan. Now, by this maiden blossom in my hand, I scorn thee and thy fashion, peevish boy. Clif. Turn not thy scorns this way, Planta- genet. Plan. Proud sir, I will; and scorn both him and thee. Som. Away, away, We grace the yeoman, by conversing with him. War. Now, by Heaven's will, thou wrong'st him, Somerset; His grandfather was Lionel Duke of Clarence, Third son to the third Edward King of Eng- land; 79 Spring crestless yeomen^ from so deep a root ? Pla)i. He bears him on the place's privilege, Or durst not, for his craven heart, say thus. Som. By him that made me, I '11 maintain my words On any plot of ground in Christendom: Was not thy father, Richard, Earl of Cam- bridge, For treason executed in our late king's days? And, by his treason, stand'st not thou attainted, Corrupted, and exempt ^ from ancient gentry? Plan. My father wasattached,^ not attainted; Condemn'd to die for treason, but no traitor; And that I '11 prove on better men that Som- erset, 91 Were growing time once ripen'd to my will. I '11 note you in my book of memory. To scourge you for this apprehensiop:* Look to it well, and say you are well wam'd. Som. Ay, thou shalt find us ready for thee still; And know us by these colours for thy foes. Clif. Gk) forward and be chok'd with thy am- bition ! And so farewell, until I meet thee next Som. Have with you, sir. — Farewell ambi- tious Richard. lOO [Exit, followed by Clifford and the Bed Boses. Plan. How I am braVd and must perforce endure it ! 1 CrettlesB yeomen, yeomen who hare no right to a coat of arms. « Exempt, excluded. « Attached, arrested. * Apprehe^xsUm, opinion. Digitized by Google ACT I. SoeiM 1. HENRY VI.— CONDENSED. ACT I. Scene 3. Enter Mes^enger,^ Mess. Plantagenet, it is the king's high will * iw That you forthwith repair to the parliament* Call'd for the truce of Winchester and Gloster. Plan, I wait upon his grace.* [Erit Messenger, War. Be of good heart;* This blot, that they object against your hotise, Never again shall stir your princely blood;* For, if thou be not now created York, I will not live to be accounted Warwick, no What says my father Salisbury?* Sal. As my son.* Already have I spoke in his behalf,* And here I sWear, if words lack power to move,* I'll move them with my sword to do thee right,* In spite of Somerset and his red rose.* Plan, And, by my soul, this pale and angry flower Will I for ever and my faction wear. Until it wither with me to my grave, Or flourish to the height of my degree: And here I prophesy — this brawl to day 120 Grown to this quarrel, in the Temple Garden Shall send between the red rose and the white A thousand souls to death and deadly night [Exeunt, 1 Scene II. The Court, Enter Vernon, and Basset. Ver, Now, sir, to you, that were so hot but now, Disgracing of these colours that I wear In honour of my noble Lord Plantagenet — Dar'st thou maintain the former words thou spak'st? Bos. Yes, sir; as well as you dare patron- age* The envious barking of your saucy tongue Against my lord, the Duke of Somerset Ver. Sirrah, thy lord I honour as he is. 1 This scene is Uken from I. Henry VI. iii. 4. 28-46. s Patronage, make good. Bos. Why, what is he? as good a man as Richard. 9 Ver. Hark ye; not so: in witness, take ye that [Strikes hinu Bos. Villain, thou knoVst the law of arms is such. That, whoso draws a sword, 'tis present death; Or else this blow should broach thy dearest blood. But I'll unto his majesty, and crave I may have liberty to venge this wrong; When thou shalt see, I'll meet thee to thy cost Ver. Well, miscreant, I '11 be there as soon as you; 17 And, after, meet you sooner than you would. [Exeunt Vernon and Basset. 3 Scene III. The Parliament, Flourish. Kino Henry, Gloster, Winchester, Exe- ter, Somerset, Clifford, Buckingham, Lords and attenda)Us. Win. Com'st thou with deep premeditated lines, With written pamphlets studiously devis'd ? Humphrey of Gloucester, if thou canst accuse, Do it without invention, suddenly. Glo. Presumptuous Winchester! Think not, although in writing I preferr'd* The manner of thy vile outrageous crimes, That therefore I have forg'd, or am not able Verbatim to rehearse the method of my pen: No, prelate; such is thy audacious wicked- ness, ^ 10 Thy lewd, pestiferous, and dissentious pranks, As* very infants prattle of thy pride. Win, Gloster, I do defy thee. — Lords, voucl:- safe To give me hearing what I shall reply; And he shall know, I am as good — Glo. As good! Thou bastard of my grandfather f Win, Ay, lordly sir; for what are you, I pray. But one imperious in another's throne? » Lines 1-71 adapted from I. Henry VI. ill. 1. * Prtferr'd, i.e. " as a charge against thee." 6 As = that. 207 Digitized by Google ACT I. Boene 8. HENRY VI.~CX)NDENSED. ACT I. SoMM 8. Olo, What? Am I not protector, eaucy priest? 19 Win, Thou art a most usurping proditor/ And not protector of the king or reahn. King. Uncles of Gloster, and of Winchester, The special watchmen of our English weal; I would prevail, if prayers might prevail, To join your hearts in love and amity. Who should be pitiful, if you be not? Or who should study to prefer a peace. If holy churchmen take delight in broils? Clif. My lord protector, yield; — yield, Win- chester;— Except you mean, with obstinate repulse, 30 To slay your sovereign, and destroy the realm. Win. He shall submit, or I will never yield. Qlo, Compassion on the king commands me stoop; Here, Winchester, I offer thee my hand. King, Fie, uncle Beaufort! I have heard you preach, That malice was a great and grievous sin: And will not you maintain the thing you teach? Win, Well, Duke of Gloster, I will yield to thee; Love for thy love, and hand for hand I give. Olo, [AMel Ay; but, I fear me, with a hollow heart — 40 See here, my friends and loving country- men; This token serveth for a flag of truce, Betwixt ourselves, and all our followers: So help me Heaven, as I dissemble nott Win. [Aside] So help me Heaven, as I in- tend it not ! Tliy heart's blood I will have for this day's work. [Gloster goes to the King's R, U. The Cardinal to his left. King. O loving imcle, kind duke of Gloster, How joyful am I made by this contract! — Enter Warwick, Salisbury, and Richard Plantagknet. War. Accept this scroU, most gracious sov- ereign. Which in the right of Richard Plantagenet 50 We do exhibit to your majesty. 1 Proditor, traitor. 208 Glo. Well urg'd, my lord of Warwick; — for, sweet prince, 52 You have great reason to do Richard right: Especially for those occasions At Eltham Place I told* your majesty. King, And those occasions, uncle, were of force: Therefore, my loving lords, our pleasure is, That Richard be restored to his blood. War, So shall his father's wrongs be recom- pens'd. King, If Richard will be true, not that alone, ao But all the whole inheritance I give, That doth belong unto the house of York, From whence you spring by lineal descent Flan, Thy himible servant vows obedi- ence. And humble service, till the point of deatiL King. Stoop then, and set your knee against my foot; And, in reguerdon^ of that duty done. Rise, Richard, like a true Plantagenet; And rise created princely Duke of York. War, Welcome, high prince, the mighty Duke of York! 70 Som, [Aside] Perish, base prince, ignoble Duke of York! * Enter Vernon and Basset. Ver, Grant me the combat, gracious sover- eign! Bos. And me, my lord, grant me the com- bat too! Fork, This is my servant; hear him, noble prince! Som, And this is mine; sweet Henry, fa- vour him! K, Hen, Be patient, lords, and give th«n leave to speak, — What is the wrong whereof you both com- plain? Bas, This fellow here, with envious carp- ing tongue, Upbraided me about the rose I wear; Saying — the sanguine colour of the leaves so Did represent my master's blushing cheeks, * I told, i.e. of which I told, s Reguerdan, reward. * Lines 72-114 taken from L Henry VI. It. 1. Digitized by Google ACT I. 8oen0 S. HENRY VL— CJONDENSED. ACT I. Scene 4. When stubbornly he did repugn^ the truth, About a certain question in the law 83 Argu'd betwixt Plantagenet and him; With other vile and ignominious terms: In confutation of which rude reproach, I crave the benefit of law of arms. Ver, Know, my dread lord, I was provoked by him; And he first took exceptions, at this badge, 89 Pronouncing — ^that the paleness of this flower Bewray'd* the faintness of my master's heart York. Will not this malice, Somerset, be left? Som. Your private grudge, my lord of York, will out. Though ne'er so cunningly you smother it. K. Hen. Good Lord! what madness rules in brain-sick men, When for so slight and frivolous a cause, Such factious emulations shall arise! — Good cousins both, of York and Somerset, Quiet yourselves, I pray, and be at peace. York. Let this dissension first be try'd by fight, 100 And then your highness shall command a peace. Soto, The quarrel toucheth none but us alone ; Betwixt ourselves let us decide it then. York. There is my pledge; accept it, So- merset Ver. Nay, let it rest where it began at first B Reptign, resist, oppose. • Bexcray'd, betrayed. > Lines 1-57 taken from II. Henry VI. L L VOL. II. To marry Princess Margaret for your grace; So, in the famous ancient city. Tours, In presence of the Kings of France and Sicil, I have perform'd my task, and was espous'd: And humbly now upon my bended knee. In sight of England and her lordly peers. Deliver up my title in the queen To your most gracious hand, lo The happiest gift that ever marquis gave, The fairest queen that ever king received. King. Suffolk, arise. — Welcome, Queen Mar- garet: [Kisses her. 0 Thou, that lend'st me life, Lend me a heart replete with thankfulness! For thou hast given me, in this beauteous face, A world of earthly blessings to my soul. If sympathy of love unite our thoughts. Queen. Great King of England, and my gracious lord. The mutual conference that my mind hath had — 20 By day, by ni^t; waking, and in my dreams; With you mine alder-liefest* sovereign. Makes me the bolder to salute my king With ruder terms; such as my wit affords. And over- joy of heart doth minister. King. Her sight did ravish: but her grace in speech, Makes me, from wondering, fall to weeping joys; Such is the fulness of my heart's content — Lords, with one cheerful voice welcome my love. 29 AU. Long hve Queen Margaret! Qxieen. We thank you all. [Flourish. iSuf. My lord protector, so it please your grace, Here are the articles of contracted peace, Between our sovereign and the French king Charlea Glo. [reads]. It is agreed between the French king Charles, and Henry King of England, that Henry shall espouse the Lady Maiigaret, daughter to Reignier King of Naples, Sicilia, and Jerusalem; and crown her Queen of England, ere the thirtieth of May next ensuing. Item, that the duchies of Anjou and of Maine shall be released and delivered to the king her fa— [Lets the paper fall. * AUUr-lit/eMt, dearest of alL 209 36 Digitized by Google ACT I. Scene 4. HENRY VI.~CONDENSED. ACT I. Scene 4. King. Uncle, how now? Olo, Pardon me, gracious lord; Some sudden qualm hath struck me to the heart, 43 And dimm'd mine eyes, that I can read no further. King, Uncle of Winchester, I pray, read on. Car. \reads\, The duchies of Anjou and Maine shall be released and delivered to the king her fa- ther; and she sent over of the King of England's own proper cost and charges, without having any dowry. King. They please us well. Lord marquis, bow thy knee; so We here create thee the first duke of Suffolk. Thanks, uncle Winchester, Gloster, York, and Buckingham, Somerset, Salisbury, and Warwick; We thank you all for this great favour done. In entertainment to my princely queen. Come, let us in; and with all speed provide To see her coronation be perform'd. And now, my lords, once more I beg of you* Let me be umpire in your doubtful strife. I see no reason, if I wear this rose, 60 [Takes Somerset s rose. That anyone should therefore be suspicious I more incline to Somerset than York — Both are my kinsmen, and I love them both; And let us still continue peace and love. [Exeunt Henry, Margaret, Exeter, Suffolk, Clifford, and their Attendants. ^ York. Well spoken, Henry!* — yet I like it not In that he wears the badge of Somerset. * Qlo. Brave peers of England, pillars of the state. To you Duke Humphrey must unload his grief. Your grief, the common grief of all the land. Whatl did my brother Henry spend his youth. His valour, coin, and people, in the wars? 71 To conquer France, his true inheritance? Have you yourselves, Somerset, Buckingham, Brave York, and Salisbury, victorious War- wick, Received deep scars in France and Normandy, 1 Lines Bd-M from I. Henry VI. Iv. 1. 161-155; 176, 177. s Lines 67-105, 111-188 from IL Henry YI. L 1. 210 That France and Frenchmen might be kept in awe? And shall these labours, and these honours, die? Shall Henry's conquest, Bedford's vigilance, Your deeds of war, and all our counsel, die? 0 peers of England, shameful is this league! Fatal this marriage! cancelling your fame; so Blotting your names from books of memory; Bazing the characters of your renown; Reversing monuments of conquered France; Undoing all, as all had never been! Sal. Suffolk has dimm'd the honour of our isle;* These counties were the keys of Normandy: — But wherefore weeps Warwick, my valiant son? War. For grief that they are past recovery: For, were there hope to conquer them again, My sword should shed hot blood, mine eyes no tears. M Anjou and Maine! myself did win them both; Those provinces these arms of mine did con- quer: And are the cities, that I got with wounds, Delivered up again with peaceful words? Glo. A proper jest! — and never heard before. War. France should have torn and rent my very heart. Before 1 would have yielded to this league. 1 never read but England's kings have had Large sums of gold and dowries, with their wives: And our King Henry gives away his own, lOO To match with her that brings no vantagea Glo. Would she had staid in France, and starv'd in France, Before that England's king had ever stoop'd* To match himself unto a dowerless wife,* Car. My lord of Gloster, now you grow too hot; 'A dower, my lords!— disgrace not so your king That he should be so abject, base and poor To chuse for wealth, and not for perfect love; Henry is able to enrich his queen. And not to seek a queen to make him rich, no Olo. My lord of Winchester, I know your mind; « LInea 106-110 from L Henry VI. v. 6. 48-52. Digitized by Google ACT I. Soen« 4. HENRY VL— CONDENSED. ACT I. Scene 4. Tis not my speeches that you do mislike, 112 But *t is my presence that doth trouble you. Bancour will out: proud prelate, in thy face I see thy fury: if I longer stay, We shall begin our ancient bickerings. — Farewell, my lords; and say, when I am gone, I prophesy'd — France will be lost ere long. [Ejnt, Car, So — there goes our protector in a rage. T is known to you, he is mine enemy, 120 Nay, more, an enemy unto you all; And no great friend, I fear me, to the king. Consider, lords — he is the next of blood. And heir apparent to the English crown; Kad Henry got an empire by his marriage. There 's reason he should be displeas'd at it Look to it, lords; let not his smoothing words Bewitch your hearts; be wise and circumspect. What though the common people favour him. Calling him — " Humphrey, the good Duke of Gloucester;" 130 Clapping their hands, and cr3ring with loud voice — " Heaven long preserve the good Duke Hum- phrey!" I fear me, loi*ds, for all this flattering gloss, He will be found a dangerous protector. [Ejnt cardinal. Buck. Why should he then protect our sove- reign, He being of age to govern of himself? — Cousin of Somerset, join you with me. And all together — with the Duke of Suffolk — We 'U quickly hoise' Duke Humphrey from his seat Som, Though Humphrey's pride, 140 And greatness of his place be grief to ua. Yet let us watch the haughty cardinal; His insolence is more intolerable Than all the princes in the land beside: If Gloucester be displaced, he *11 be protector. BiuJc. Thou or I, Somerset, will be protector. Despite Duke Humphrey, or the cardinal [Exeunt Buckitigham and Somerset. Sal. Pride went before, ambition follows him. While these do labour for their own prefer- ment, 1 J7otM, hoist, heftve. Behoves it us to labour for the realm. i50 I never saw but Humphrey Duke of Gloster Did bear him like a noble gentleman. Warwick, my son, the comfort of my age I Thy deeds, thy plainness, and thy house-keep- ing,' Hath won the greatest favour of the commons, Excepting none but good Duke Humphrey: And York thou art fear'd, and honour'd, of the people: — Join we together, for the public good; In what we can, to bridle and suppress The pride of Suffolk, and the cardinal, I60 With Somerset's and Buckingham's ambition; And, as we may, cherish Duke Humphrey's deeds. While they do tend the profit of our country. War. So Heaven help Warwick, as he loves the realm. And common profit of his native land I York. [Aside] And so says York, for he hath greatest cause.^ [Exeunt Salisbury and Wanrick. York. Anjou and Maine, both given unto the French ! Cold news for me; for I had hope of France, Even as I have of fertile England's soiL A day will come when York shall claim the crown; 170 For that 's the golden mark I seek to hit: Let me be still awhile, till time do serve: And watch and wake, when others be asleep. To pry into the secrets of the state; Till Henry, surfeiting in joys of love. With his new bride, and England's dear-bought queen. And Humphrey with the peers be fall'n at jars: Then will I raise aloft the milk-white rose, With whose sweet smell the air shall be per- fum'd; And in my standard bear the arms of York, iso To grapple with the house of Lancaster; And, force perforce, I '11 make him yield the crown. Whose feeble rule hath puU'd fair England down. [Exit. * House-keeping, ie. hoipitality. * In the MS. there is a note, '* Leave room here for ten lines to be introduced," bat they were not inserted. 211 Digitized by Google ACT 11. 8ocn« 1. HENRY VL— CONDENSED. ACT II. Soene 1. ACT II. * Scene 1. An Apartment in the Palace. Elder Bkvis and Holland, and four Petitioner$, Bev, My masters, let 'a stand close; my lord protector will come this way by and by, and then we may deliver our supplications in the quiU.« Hoi, Marry, the Lord protect him, for he 's a good man ! Heaven bless him ! Enter Suffolk and Queen and Attendants, Bev, Here a* comes, methinks, and the queen with him: I 'U be the first, sure. Hoi, Come back, fool; this is the Duke of Suffolk, and not my lord protector. lo Suf. How now, fellow I wouldst anything with me ? Bev. I pray, my lord, pardon me ! I took ye for my lord protector. Queen. [Readviff] "For my Lord Protector!" Are your supplications to his lordship? Let me see them: what is thine? Bev, Mine is, an 't please your grace, against John Goodman, my lord cardinal's man, for keeping my house, and lands, and wife, and all, from me. 21 Suf. Thy wife too? that is some wrong, in- deed. What 's yours ? What 's here ? [Reads] ''Against the Duke of Suffolk, for eDclosing the commons of Melford."— How now, sir knave ! Hd. Alas, sir, I am but a poor petitioner of oiu* whole township. Suf. Base cullions,' you that love to be pro- tected Under the wings of our protector's grace. Begin your suits anew, and sue to him. so Away, away I [Tears the petitions. AU. Come let's be gone. [Attoidants drive off the Petitioners. I This icene is token from II. Henry VI. i. 8. Bevii and UoUand, two of Jack Cade's followers, aae introdueed among the Petitioners. * In the quUl^ ue. in A )>ody. * CuUums, wretches. S12 40 to Queen. My lord of Suffolk, say, is this the guise, 3S Is this the fashion in the court ol England ? Is this the government of Britain's isle. And this the royalty of Albion's king? What I shall King Henry be a pupil still Under the surly Gloeter's governance? Am I a queen in title and in style. And must be made a subject to a duke? I thought. King Henry was indeed a king;* But all his mind is bent to holiness. I would the college of the cardinals Would choose him pope, and carry him Borne, And set the triple crown upon his head; That were a state fit for his holiness. Suf Madam, be patient: as I was cause Your hi^nesB came to England; so will I In England work your grace's full content Queen. Beside the haug^t protector, have we Beaufort so The imperious churchman, Somerset, Back- ingham, And grumbling York: and not the least of these But can do more in England than the king. Suf And he of these, that can do most of all. Cannot do more in England than the Nevik. Qtteen. Not all these lords do vex me half so much. As that proud dame, the lord protector's wife. She sweeps it throu^ the court with troops of ladies, More like an empress than Duke Humphrey's wife; 5» Strangers in court do take h^ for the queen: Shall I not live to be aveng'd on her? She vaunted 'mongst her minions f other day. The very train of her worst wearing gown Was better worth than all my father's lands, Till Suflfblk gave two dukedoms for his daughter. Suf, Madam, myself have lim'd & bush for her. And plac'd a quire of such enticuig birds, Digitized by Google ACT II. Scene 1. HENRY VL- Lines 41-66 taken from II. Henry VI. il. 1. « Sort = get. company. « Lewdly, wickedly. Queen. Gloster, see here the tainture* of thy House, 65 And look thyself be faultless, thou wert best Olo. Madam, for myself, to heaven I do appeal. How I have lov'd the king, and common- wealth: And, for my wife, I know not how it stands; Sorry I am to hear what I have heard: 60 Noble she is; but if she have forgot Honour, and virtue, and convers'd with* such As, like to pitch, defile nobility, I banish her my bed, and company; And give her up to law, and punishment, That hath dishonour'd Gloster's honest name. ^King. In sight of Heaven and us their crime is great; And if by lawful course their guilt be found,* In Smithfield shall the rest be burnt to ashes. Dame Eleanor being more nobly bom, Vo Despoiled of her honour in her life. Shall, after three days' open penance done. Live in the coimtry here, in banishment. With Sir John Stanley, in the Isle of Man. Glo. Mine eyes are full of tears, my heart of grief. Ah, Humphrey, this dishonour in thine age Will bring thy head with sorrow to the ground ! — I beseech j^our majesty, give me leave to go; Sorrow would solace, and mine age would ease. King. Stay, Humphrey Duke of Gloster: ere thou go, 80 Give up thy stafiF; Henry will rule himself; Then go in peace, Humphrey; no less belov'd, Than when thou wert protector to thy king. Queen. I see no reason, why a king of years Should be to be protected like a child. — Give up your staff, sir, and the king his realm. Qlo. My staff? — here, noble Henry, is my staff: As willingly do I the same resign As e'er thy father Henry gave it me; And leave it humbly at thy royal feet* As others would ambitiously recfeive it. 90 4 Tainture, defilement * Convera'd with, associated with. » Lines 67-90 adapted from IL Henry VI. IL 8. 215 Digitized by Google ACT U. Scene 4. HENRY VI.~CONDENSED. ACT 11. * Suf, Now, Gloster, ^ou art a private* man again* 91 I do arrest thee of high treason here. Qlo. Well, Suffolk, yet thou shalt not see me blush. Nor change my countenance for this arrest; I see your malice and I scorn it, lords;* For had I twenty times as many foes. And each of them had twenty times your power. All these could not procure me any scathe. So long as I am loyal, true and crimeless. The purest spring is not so free from mud, lOO As I am clear from treason to my sovereign: Who can accuse me? wherein am I guilty? Car, *T is thought, my lord, that you took bribes of France, And, being protector, stay'd the soldiers' pay; By means whereof his highness hath lost France. Glo. Is it but thought so? what are they, that think it? I never robb'd the soldiers of their pay. Nor ever had one penny bribe from France. So help me Heaven, as I have watch'd the night — Ay, night by night — in study mg good for Eng- land! 110 That doit^ that e'er I wrested from the king. Or any groat* I hoarded to my use. Be brought against me at my trial-day! No; many a pound of mine own proper store, Because I would not tax the needy commons, Have I disbursed to the garrisons. And never ask'd for restitution. Car. It serves you well, my lord, to say so much. * Queen, Thy simiptuous buildings, and thy wife's attire. Have cost a mass of public treasury. 120 Car, The commons hast thou rack'd; the clergy's bags Are lank and lean with thy extortions. * Buck. In your protectorship, you did devise 1 Liuee 9S-H 100-118 from II. Henry VI. iiL 1; Lines 9&-98 from II. Henry VI. U. 4. s Private, deprived of ofBcial potltioo. * Doit, a small coin=,)|th of a penny. 4 Oroat = a small coin = fourpence. * Lines 119-122 taken from IL Henry VI. i. 3. « Unas 12S-177 are taken from II. Henry VI. iii. 1. 216 Strange tortures for offenders, never heard t f, That England was defam'd by tyranny. 125 Glo. Why, 't \s well known, that, whiles I was protector, Pity was all the blame that was in me; For I should melt at an offender's tears, And lowly words were ransom for their crimes. Suf. My lord, these faults are easy, quickly answer'd : i:** But mightier crimes are laid unto your chaige, Wherecrf you cannot easily puige yourself. I do arrest you in his highness' name; And here commit you to my lord cardinal To keep, until your further time of triaL Kinff. My lord of Gloster, 'tis my special hope. That you will clear yourself from all suspi- cion; My conscience tells me you are innocent Olo, Ah, gracious lord, these days are dan- gerous!^ Virtue is chok'd with foul ambition, 140 And equity exil'd your highness' land. Beaufort's red sparkling eyes blab his heart's malice. And Suffolk's cloudy brow his stormy hate; Sharp Buckingham unburthens with his tongue The envious load that lies upon his heart; And you, my sovereign lady, with the rest, Causeless have laid disgraces on my head; And, with your best endeavour, have stirr'd up My liefest liege to be mine enemy: — up Ay, all of you have laid your heads together. And all to make away my guiltless life: I shall not want false witness to condemn me. Nor store of treasons to augment my guilt; The ancient proverb will be well effected — A staff is quickly found to beat a dog. Car. My liege, his raihng is intolerable: If those, that care to keep your royal person From treason's secret kniife, and traitors' rage, Be thus upbraided, chid, and rated at, 159 'T will make them cool in zeal unto your grace. Suf. Hath he not twit our sovereign lady here, 7 Dangtrimg, fraught with periL Digitized by Google ACT IL Scene 4. HENRY VL— CONDENSED. ACT II. Scene 4. Ab if she had suborned some to swear 162 False allegations to o'erthrow his state? Queen. But I can give the loser leave to chide. Glo. Far truer spoke than meant: I lose, in- deed;— Beshrew the winners, for they play me false ! — And well such losers may have leave to speak. Buck. He'll wrest the sense, and hold us here aU day: — Lord cardinal, he is your prisoner. Car. A guard— secure the duke, and hold him sure.* 170 Glo. I know their complot is to have my life. And if my death might make this island happy. And prove the period of their tyranny, I would expend it with all willingness; But mine is made the prologue to their play; For thousands more that yet suspect no peril, Will not conclude their plotted tragedy. 1 Farewell my king, when I am dead and gone. May loyalty and peace attend thy throne. [Ejdt gttarcUcL Suf. Thus droops the lofty pine and hangs his sprays.^ 180 Queen. Why now is Henry king, and Mar- garet queen. ' ATi/j^. Ah, uncle Humphrey! yet the hour 's to come. That e'er I proved thee false, or fear'd thy faith. Enter Somerset. Som. All health unto my gracious sovereign! * Sad tidings bring I to you out of France, Of loss, c^ slaughter, and discomfiture: Paris, Guienne, Rheims, Orleans, are reta'en,* And all your interest in those territories Is utterly bereft you — all is lost. King. Cbld news, lord regent: but Heaven's will be done ! 190 Enter York. York. My liege, from Ireland have I letters here* 1 Lines 178-181 taken from II. Henry VI. 11. 8. s Sprays, shoots, branches. » Lines 182-184, 188-215 from II. Henry VL iii. 1. * Une 186, 186 taken from I. Henry VI. i. 1. To signify — that rebels there are up, i«2 And put the Englishmen unto the sword: Send succours, Harry, stop the rage betime. Before the wound do grow incurable; For, being green, there is great hope of help. JSom. A breach, that craves a quick expe- dient stop ! What counsel give you in this weighty cause? York. That Somerset besentaregent thither: To awe the rebels with his blushing rose,* 200 'T is meet, that lucky ruler be employed; Witness the fortune he hath had in France. — Som. If York, with all his far-fet policy. And pallid ensign of a coward's hue,* Had been the regent there instead of me. He never would have staid ip France so long. York. No, not to lose it all, as thou hast d Cenaure teeU, approTe of aa a Jadge. 218 York. My lord of Suffolk, even on the in- stant, 261 At Bristol I expect my soldiers; For there I 'U ship them all for Ireland. Suf. I '11 see it truly done, my lord oi York.* Car. And for Duke Humphrey, I will deal with him. That, henceforth, he shall trouble us no more. [Exeunt all but York. York. Now, York, or never, steel thy fearful thoughts, And change misdoubt to resolution: Be that thou hop'st to be; or what thou art Resign to death; it is not worth the enjoying: Well, nobles, well; 'tis politickly done, 27i To send me packing with an host of men: Twas men I lack'd, and you will give them me: I take it kindly; yet, be well assur'd You put sharp weapons in a madman's hand& Whiles I in Ireland nourish a mighty band, I will stir up in England some black storm, Shall blow ten thousand souls to heaven, or heU; And this fell tempest sliall not cease to rage Until the golden circuit on my head, 2S0 Like to the glorious sun's transparent beams, Do calm the fury of this mad-bred flaw.' And, for a minister of my intent, I have seduc'd a headstrong Kentishman, John Cade of Ashford, To make commotion, as full well he can, Under the title of John Mortimer. This devil here shall be my substitute; 288 For that John Mortimer, which now is dead. In face, in gait, in speech, he doth resemble: By this I shall perceive the commons' minds; If they affect the house and claim of York, Why, then from Ireland come I with my strength. And reap the harvest which that rascal sow'd: For, Humphrey being dead, as he shall be, And Henry put apart, the next for me. [Exit. > Flaw, commotion; or, perhaps, a sudden gust of wind. Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 1. HENRY VL— CX)NDENSED. ACT III. Scene 1. ACT III. ^ Scene I. Part of Kent. Enter George Bevis and John Holland. Bems, Come, and get thee a sword, though made of a lath; they have been up these two days, HoU, They have the more need to sleep now then. Beds. I tell thee, Jack Cade the clothier means to dress the commonwealth, and turn it, and set a new nap upon it HoU. So he had need, for 't is threadbare. Well, I say, it was never merry world in Eng- land, since gentlemen came up. ii Bevis. O miserable age! virtue is not re- garded in handicrafts-men. HoU. The nobility think scorn to go in leather aprons. Bevis. Nay more, the king's council are no good workmen. HoU. True; and yet it is said — "labour in thy vocation;" which is as much to say as — let the magistrates be labouring men; and there- fore should we be magistrates. 21 Beins. Thou hast hit it; for there 's no better sign of a brave mind, than a hard hand. HoU. I see them I I see them I There's Best's son, the tanner of Wingham. Bens. He shall have the skins of our enemies, to make dogVleather of. HoU. And Dick the butcher, — Bevis. Then is sin struck down like an ox, and iniquit^s throat cut like a calf. so HoU. And Smith the weaver — Bevis. Argo, their thread of life is spun. HoU. Come, come, let 's fall in with them. Drum. Enter Cade, Dick the Butchery Smith the Weaver y and a Sawyer ^ with infinite numbers. Cade. We, John Cade, so term'd of our sup- posed father — inspired with the spirit of putting down kings and princes. — Command silence. > Thig scene It taken from II. Henry VI. iv. 2. Bev. Silence I Cade. My father was a Mortimer — HoU. [^Aside"] He was an honest bricklayer. Cade. My mother a Plantagenet — 40 HoU. [Aside] I knew her well, she was a midwife. Cade. Therefore am I of an honourable house. Be brave, then; for your captain is brave, and vows reformation. There shall be, in England, seven halfpenny loaves sold for a penny: the three-hoop'd pot shall have ten hoops; and I will make it felony, to drink small beer: all the realm shall be in commons, and in Cheapside shall my palfrey go to grass. And when I am king, as king I will be — 61 AU. Heaven save your majesty ! Cade. I thank you, good people: — there shall be no money; all shall eat and drink on my score; and I will apparel them all in one livery, that they may agree like brothers, and worsliip me their lord. Bev. The first thing we do, let 's kill all the lawyers. 69 Cade. Nay, that I mean to do. See what noise is that. [Exit HoUand.] Is not this a lamentable thing, that of the skin of an inno- cent lamb should be made parchment? that parchment, being scribbled o'er, should undo a man? Some say, the bee stings: but I say, 'tis the bee's wax; for I did but seal once to a thing, and I was never my own man since. How now ? who 's there ? 6S Ento' Holland bringing in the (lerk of Chatham. HoU. The clerk of Chatham: he can write and read, and cast accompt 70 Cade. Here 's a villain ! HoU. H 'as a book in his pocket with red letters in't Cade. I am sorry for 't: the man is a proper man, on mine honour; unless I find him guilty, he shall not die. — Come hither, sirrah, I must examine thee: what is thy name? Clerk. Emmanuel. Bev. T will go hard with you. 219 Digitized by Google ACT III. Soone L HENRY VL— CONDENSED. ACT III. SoeiM % Cade. Let me alone: — Dost thou use to write thy name? or hast thou a mark to thyself, like an honest pLiin-dealing man? 82 Clerk. Sir, I thank Heaven I have been so well brought up, that I can write my name. All. He hath confess'd: away with him; he's a villain, and a traitor. Cade. Away with him, I say: hang him with his pen and ink-horn about his neck. [Ea;it Hollandy d-c, xrith the Clerk. Shouts, Re-enter Holland. If oil. Where 's our general? Cade. Here I am, thou particular fellow. 90 Holl. Fly, fly, fly! Sir Humphrey Stafford and his brother are hard by, with the king's forces. Cad£. Stand, villain, stand, or I '11 fell thee down: He shall be encounter'd with a man as good as himself: he is but a knight, is a'? EoU. No. Cade. To equal him, I will make myself a knight presently; [Kneels] Rise up, Sir John Mortimer. [Rises] Now have at him ! loi And you that love the commons, follow me. — Now show yourselves men, 't is for liberty. We will not leave one lord, one gentleman: Spare none, but such as go in clouted shoon;^ For they are thrifty hon€st men, and such As would (but that they dare not) take our parts. 107 Bev. If we mean to thrive and do good, break open the gaols, and let out the prisoners. Cade. Fear not that, I warrant thee. Come, let's march towards London. Strike up the drum. [Ea;eunt. *^ Scene II. An apartmetU in the Palace. Enter two from the murder of Duhe Uumphrey. First Mur. Run, tell Lord Suffolk, and the cardinal, . We have despatch'd the duke, as they com- manded. Sec. Mur. O, that it were to do I — What have we done? Didst ever hear a man so penitent? I Clouted tJwon, hob-nailed shoes. 3 This scene (lines 1-255) is mitinly taken from TI. Henry VI. iii. 2. 220 Enter Suffolk. First Mur. Here comes my lord. Suf Now, sirs, have you despatched the duke? First Mur. Ay, my good lord, he's dead. Suf. Why, that 's well said. Go, get you to my house; 120 I wiU reward you for this venturous deed. [Exeunt murderers. The king and all the peers are here at hand.— Enter the King, the Queen, Beaufort, Somerset, with Attendants, King. Go, call the duke unto our presence straight; Say we intend to try his grace to-day. If he be guilty, as 't is published. Suf I '11 call him presently, my noble lord. [Exit. King. And, I pray you all, Proceed no straiter^ 'gainst our uncle Gloeter, Than, from true evidence of good esteem, He be approv'd in practice culpable. iso Queen. Heaven forbid, any malice should prevail. That faultless may condemn a nobleman! Re-enter Suffolk. King. How now? why look'st thou pale? why tremblest thou? Where is our uncle? what is the matter, Suf- folk? Suf. Dead in his bed, my lord; Gloster ifl dead. [The King s^coons. Car. Heaven's secret judgment: — I did dream to-night, The Duke was dumb, and could not speak a word. Queen. How fares my gracious lonl ? Suf. Comfort, my sovereign! gracious Henry, comfort! King. What, doth my lord of Suffolk com- fort me? HO Hide not thy poison with such sugar'd words; Lay not thy hands on me; forbear, I say; Their touch affrights me, as a serpent's sting. Thou baleful messenger, out of my sight! s No ttraiter, no more itiictly. Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 2. HENRY VI.— CONDENSED. ACT III. Scene 2. Upon thy eye-balls murderous tyranny Sits, in grim majesty, to fright the world. Ah, woe is me for Gloster, hapless man! Queen, Is all thy comfort shut in Gloster's tomb? Why, then dame Margaret was ne'er thy joy: Was I, for this, nigh wreck'd upon the sea; 160 And twice by awkward* wind from England's bank Drove back again unto my native clime? What did I then, but curs'd the gentle gusts, And he that loos'd them* from their brazen caves; And bid them blow towards England's blessed shore, Or turn our stem upon a dreadful rock? Yet .^Eolus would not be a murderer, The pretty- vaulting sea refused to drown me; The splitting rocks^ cower'd in the sinking sands, And would not ddah. me with their ragged sides; 160 Because thy flinty heart, more hard than they. Might in thy palace perish* Margaret. Noise mthitu £nter Warwick and Salisbury without^ tcUh many Commons following. War. It is reported, mighty sovereign, That good Duke Humphrey traitorously is murder'd By Suffolk's and the Cardinal Beaufort's means. Hie commons, like an angry hive of bees, That want their leader, scatter up and down. And care not whom they sting in his revenge. Myself have calm'd their spleenful mutiny, Until they hear the order of his death. 170 King. That he is dead, good Warwick, 'tis too true; But how he died Heaven knows, not Henry:* Enter his chamber, view his breathless corpse. And comment then upon his sudden death. [ Warmick goes in. O thou that judgest all things, stay my thoughts, My Uiou^ts, that labour to persuade my soul, J Awkioard, adverse. * He that loo^d thsm, le. .Solos. s Splitting rocks, ie. rocks that are nsed to split the sides of vessels. * Perish, used actively =:kiIL * Hetury, pronounoed as a trisyllable. Some violent hands were laid on Humphrey's life! If my suspect* be false, forgive me, Heaven, For judgment only doth belong to tliee ! A bed with Gloster's bodi/ put forth. War. Come hither, gracious sovereign, view this body. I80 King. That is to see how deep my grave is made: For, with his soul, fled all my worldly solace. War. As surely as my soul intends to live I do believe that violent hands were laid Upon the life of this thrice-famed duke. Suf A dreadful oath, sworn with a solemn tongue! What instance gives Lord Warwick for his vow? War. See, how the blood is settled in his face! Oft have I seen a timely-parted ghost,^ Of ashy semblance, meagre, pale, and blood- less, 1!K) Being^ all descended to the labouring heart; Who, in the conflict that it holds witli death. Attracts the same for aidance 'gainst the enemy; Which with the heart there cools, and ne'er returneth To blush and beautify the cheek again. But, see, his face is black and full of blood; His eye-balls further out than when he liv'd, Staring full ghastly like a strangled man; His hair uprear'd, his nostrils stretch'd with struggling; His hands abroad display'd, as one that grasp'd 200 And tugg'd for life, and was by strength sub- du'd. Look, on the sheets his hair, you see, is stick- ing: His well-proportion'd beard made rough and rugged, Like to the summer's com by tempest lodg'd.* It cannot be, but he was murder'd here; The least of all these signs were probable. * Sufpeet, fitispicion. ' Timely-parted ghost, i.e. the corpse of one who has died a natural death. ' Being, le. (the Mood) being. * Lodg'd, beaten down. 221 Digitized by Google ACT III. Scene 2. HENRY VI.— (CONDENSED. ACT III. Boene 3. Suf. Why, Warwick, who should do the duke to death ? Myself, and Beaufort, had him in protection; And we, I hope, sir, are no murderers. ]Yar, Who finds the heifer dead, and bleed- ing fresh, 210 And sees fast by a butcher with an axe, But will suspect, 'twas he that made the slaughter? Who finds the partridge in the puttock's^ nest. But may imagine how the bird was dead, Although the kite soar with unbloody'd beak? Even so suspicious is this tragedy. Queen. Are you the butcher, Suflfolk? Where's your knife? Is Beaufort termed a kite? Where are his talons? [Exit Cardinal, War. Madam, be still; with reverence may I say it; For every word, you speak in his behalf, 220 Is slander to your royal dignity. Suf. Blunt- witted lord, ignoble in demean- our I If ever lady wronged her lord so much, Thy mother took into her blameful bed Some stem untutoi^'d churl, and noble stock Was graft* with crab-tree slip; whose fruit thou art. And never of the Nevils' noble race. If ar. Liar and slave! — ^ [Suffolk and Wancick draw. King. Why, how now, lords ? your wrath- ful weapons drawn 229 Here in our presence? dare you be so bold? — [Shout. Why, what tumultuous clamour have we here? Enter Salisbury. Sal. Sirs, stand apart; the king shall know your mind. — Dread lord, the commons send you word by me, Unless Lord Suffolk straight be done to death, Or banished fair England's territories, They will by violence tear him from your palace; They say, by him the good Duke Humphrey died; I Puttoek, a kite. .3 Graft, past participle ot graf ignited. * Compare Macbeth, v. 6. 86. 222 They say, in him they fear your highness* dea^; And they wiU guard you, whe'r you will, or no, From such fell serpents as false Suffolk is; S40 With whose envenomed and fatal sting, Your loving imcle, twenty times his worth, They say, is shamefully bereft of life. Commons [Within]. An answer from the king. King. Go, Salisbury, and tell them all from me. I thank them for their tender loving care; And had I not been cited* so by them. Yet did I purpose as they do entreat; [Evit SaliMbuiy. For, sure, my thoughts do hourly prophesy Mischance unto my state by Suffolk's means. And therefore — by his majesty I swear, 251 Whose far unworthy deputy I am — If, after three days' space, thou here be'st found On any ground that I am ruler of. The world shall not be ransom for thy life. — ^ Enter a Messenger. How now I what news? why com'st thou in such haste? Mess. The rebels are in South wark; fly, my lord! Jack Cade proclaims himself Lord Mortimer, Descended from the Duke of Clarence' house; And calls your grace usurper, openly, 2« And vows to crown himself in Westminster. T. Clif. Ketire, my sovereign lord; his grace and I* Will quickly raise a power to put them down.* [Exeunt Clifford and Buckingham. ^ King. Come, Warwick, come, good War- wick, go with me; I have great matter to impart to thee. [E.veunt all but Queen and Suffolk. Suf. Mischance and sorrow, go along with youl And threefold vengeance tend upon your steps! A plague upon them I — Poison be their drink! Their chief est prospect, murdering basilisks ! Their music frightful as the serpent's hiss; 270 4 Cited, urged. « Lines 266-261 taken from II. Henry VI. iv. 4. 26-8L « Lines 264-296 adapted from II. Henry VL UL S. Digitized by Google ACT III. 8oMi« 2. HENRY VL— CONDENSED. ACT III. Scene 3. And boding screech-owls make the concert fuU! Queen. Enough, good Suflfolk,thou torment'st thyself ; Let me entreat thee cease I go, get thee gone! And leave poor Margaret here without one friend.* Go, get thee gone, that I may know my grief; T is but surmis'd whilst thou art standing by, As one that surfeits thinking on a want. Suf. Thus is poor Suffolk ten times banished; T is not the land I care for, wert thou thence; A wilderness is populous enough, 2S0 So Suffolk had thy gracious countenance,* And still were servant to his honour'd queen.* Oh, let me stay, befall what may befall. Efiter Messenger. Queen. Wliither away so fast? what news, I prithee? MesB, To signify unto his majesty. That Cardinal Beaufort is at point of death: For suddenly a grievous sickness took him, That makes him gasp, and stare, and catch the air. Blaspheming Heaven, and cursing men on earth. Sometime, he talks as if Duke Humphrey's ghost 290 Were by his side;