Start of [The Jewish Congregation

of Kirchen] :

AR 3233

Sys#: 000195548

LEO BAECK INSTITUTE

Center for Jewish History

15 West 16th Street New York, NY 10011

Phone; (212) 744-6400 Fax: (212) 988-1305 Email: lbaeck@lbi.cjh.org URL: http://www.lbi.org

The Jewish Congregation of Kirchen ( Ef ringen-Kirchen , Kreis Loerrach)

1736 - 1940

200 Years Jewish History in the Markgraef lerland . by: Axel Huettner

This is a translation of Rev. Huettner's book, and I as translator am responsible for any errors or omissions.

This is one fo the best written and detailed books on the subject and the region, and I hope I've done it justice with my knowledge of english S, german. A great many guotations in old language & grammatical form are used that are very hard to translate; I hope I've at least gotten the gist of it.

The 'Markgraef lerland ' is a blessed region in south-western Germany along the Rhine to south & west and the Black Forest to the east, that corner of Germany known also as the 'Drei Laender Eck', the Three Countries' Corner, since Germany, France and Switzerland meet there.

My personal knowledge of Kirchen is sketchy since I myself grew up in Muellheim, about 15 miles north the 'Landstrasse, now the B-3 highway, a road travelled by Johann Peter Hebei, the well- know alemannic poet of the region. As a little boy I was at Kirchen only a few times, and there was actually little contact between Kirchen & Muellheim (to my meager knowledge) except as in the book. Jakob Alperowitz was my hebrew teacher & the Phlipp Moses family lived in the house adjoining that of my grandfather, Gustav Zivi where I grew up until mid-1936 when my mother and I left for USA.

Manchester , VT . Fall 1993

This translation is purely for scholarly purposes.

2

Foreword

The Commune of Efringen-Kirchen thanks Axel Huettner, minister in Kandern- Wollbach, for his initiative, to keep alive the memory of the Life of our Jewish fellow citizens up to their death & dispersion. In his book publ.1978 "The Jewish Community of Kirchen" he placed the various stations of our former fellow citizens. This book, publixhed in 500 copies, was so well accepted that it was soon sold out. Another 500 copies were preinted that too were gone in a few years. So it was not surprising that a desire for a new edition existed.

The current work is only roughly comparable with the old; it was thoroly reworked, much more complete and more detailed, for which the Jewish citizens who visited us 1883 & 1991 were very important.

The community is very appreciative of Axel Huettner, the author of this book.

He assumed the tr emendous load of many hours of work in addition to his occupation as pastor and produced this work at no cost. For their help in the documentation and research, assembling photos & sketches, the considerable writing and editing, the community thanks Walter Silbereisen, chief of the community administration Efringen-Kirchen, Wolfgand Weller, teacher at the local schools, Michael Oehlbach, house master at the schools, Birgit Sutter of the community administration, Tanja Glass from Lambrecht, Renate Huettner from Wollbach, the employees of the Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe, the Stadtarchiv Loerrach, as well as the former Jewish fellow citizens who now live in the USA, particularly Sophie Kessler, and Alfred Rosenberg also Herbert Braeunlin,

Halt ingen, who with their knowledge & experience were very helpful. Also due thanks are the town council Efringen-Kirchen who in spite of difficulties made funds avaiable and again demonstrated their high sense of responsibility for a cultural work and sensible project.

This book has an edition of 1,500 copies, and will probably find interest. It informs us about the fate of our Jewish fellow citizens and may therefor help us to think conscously think of our fellow man and greater tolerance in an increasingly difficult time.

Horst Dierkes

Buergermeister

Efringen-Kirchen, in January 1993.

3

The Early History - to 1716

The beginning of the history of the jews in Germany is hidden in apologetic semi -darkness. The legends and sagas, the existence of larger Jewish communities in Germany already in pre-christian times, that they want to prove are clear to be viewed as religous, cultural or economic apologia of the Jewish communities in their fioght for existence agaisnt the Christian world around them.

Efforts to date the large congregations of Worms and Mainz, that in 1636 spoke of 1,700 years of existance, —Worms 1432 — 1,500 years existence — of their congregations in the same place can no doubt be proven historically. But certain , provably is the documented appearance of Jews at Cologne before the year 321 AD and in Trier shortly after 305 AD. Aside of the two cities Cologne & Trier no documentation exists for dating the first Jewish communities in other areas of the Rhine region.

Just as many cities and settlements in the Upper Rhine region date to the roman period without a specific founding, i.e. Strassburg, Basel & Breisach, so the founding of the Jewish conmunities cannot be dated either. The development of these cities to sometimes great strength is very closely tied to the economic

development, which the old settled Jews strongly fostered. If as netrepreneur or merchant. Judge, customs agent or physician, the Jews mostly had a respectable place in public life. With their foreign trade with the orient and the Slavic countries they performed greatly for the economic upturn of their cities, and helped to found a new order in the economy. The exchange of money took the place of the up to now customary exchange of goods, or bartering. In addition, a second occupation must be mentioned among the Jews along the Upper Rhine: Agriculture.

Of vourse the Jews could not maintain themselves in the long run against the feudal system of the medieval economy and life-style, that was founded on a common Christian belief. If one views the Jewish economic history in certain developnent phases, one :?'rrives after the already described phases 1 & 2, in which the Jews were catalysts to a modern money economy and who generally lived in peace with the local population who had other religous beliefs, at phases 3 & 4, in which the Christian learned these activities themselves, and finally took discriminatory steps against the Jews who no longer provided certain necessary functions. Complicated decrees hemmed in the Jews' relative freedom and ability to move from place to place, others restored them. Roughly this is the result of civil & governmental soiarces, speak synods, councils,

omofirpors and kinas who dictated the decrees. With the Carolingian begins the time of the royal/empirial protection of Jews. In the following period

Jewish groups or individuals were given special rights.

4

Tho ©arlisst docunsnted mention of jews in the area of the only 1806 finally constitutes Land Baden are partly in the early 13th century-Freiburg,Breisgau- 1230, Constance - 1241, , partly in the first half of the 14th century, Lahr- 1356, Breisach - 1301, End ingen/Kaiser Stuhl - 1331, Offenburg - 1343 and Neuenburg - 1354. In the cities then a part of the empire that are so important to a history fo the Upper Rhine, but that are today part of France or Switzerland, jews were first documemted: Strassburg — 1188, Rheinfelden —

1290, Colmar - 1278, Basel 1242. it may safely be assumed that long before the today available documentation jewish communites existed in at least some of these cities. Generally documantation came about only at such a time as guarrels arose between Christians & jews. Interestingly enough many of the dates given fall in a period of anti- jewish discriminatory measures taken.

P.14 - Massacres & Wanderings of Jews in Middle Ages So shortly after the documentation of Jews in Freiburg & Konstanz they were for- bidden to go to the market, and a century later in the 'clothing order' of duke Leopold of Austria, 1394, jews were ordered to wear coats 'of a colored cloth' and ' above the coats large striped hats. Shortly thereafter was added a yellow ring of 84mm diameter, worn on the upper left breast fastened to the outer clothing.

What happened to the jewish communities along the middle Rhein, in Speyer , Worms, Mainz & Cologne after the call of Godfrey of Bullion in 1096 - the almost total extinction by the armed might of the first crusade - that wanted«, to avenge the blood of Christ - happened to the jewish communities along the upper Rhine much alter. First privilages, rules and laws were provlaimed here that more and more limited the jews sphere of activity. 1236 Friedrich II declared a 'privilege' that socially placed the jews in a new category, made them 'servants of the imperial chamber ' . Even tho the no longer existing economic functions once cajfjfiBd on by the jews, who with the exception of holding official positions in the cities, had rights similar to those of Christians, the religous fanaticism of the crusaders toward those of toher beliefs caused their status now to be reduced to that of 'imperial chamber servants'. So jews were no longer as earlier like other indivually privileged groups like women, merchants or clerics, or like city inhabitants of differing nationality. Now jews were officially classified as a special class of the population, for which with the classification 'servi camera' special rights were established. All people of the same king were included r.amoiT/ 1-Vio TOWS- Of wnrthv . dionified factors of the economy and the law jews now reguired protection and disenfranchised objects of econimic policy. Robbed of their former rights, economically forced out of the 'guild occupations',

politically with no influence whatever, jews were forced into an occupation, that, carefully expressed was no logner suitable for many people of the population*

5

For the interest business and money lending, with which came into existence the ' Schacher j ude ' , the Jewish usurer.

P. 15 A Jewish money lender at his count ingt able. Since the 15th

century Jews were permitted only a few occupations: pawnbroking, money changing and peddling. Guilds no longer accepted Jews as members ( Woodcut 1531)

1215 Pope Innocent III, at the 4th lateran council, forbade all Christians to lend money at interest. Up to now the monasteries primarily controlled this business even tho Augustinus, Gregor of Nyssa and Leo the Great descried the practice sharply. Into this now open position the Jews were forced since their role now as outsiders the received the 'beneficium turpe', to charge in terest. The picture of a sponge that cann fill itself totally in order to be then squeezed dry totally gives the situation of the Jews of the time.

The teaching of some church fathers about the necessity of the existence of the Jews in the Christian state, and the medieval piousness nurtured by mystical understanding of the world as well as deep superstition, nourished a new form of religiously framed hatred of Jews: the accusation of ritual murder and the desecration of the host.

In this boiling climate of irritation a number of world-wide catastrophes broke after 1340. Terrible grasshopper swarms. High water caused by long-lasting rains, destroyed the harvests. Solar eclipses and great earthquakes, like that of Basel in 1356, announced for the population the nearing end of the world. Since 1348 the greatest pest epidemic of the period flourished depopulating entire cities.

From Basel was reported: the dying was so great, that alone in the city

14,000 people died, and from Aeschen (gate) to the Rheintor only three whole

(married) couples were to be met

P.16 Jews stab a Host (woodcut 1492)

P.16 The Jews were also accused of the pest. One threaded them on wheels and tortured them with burning brands in order to force a confession from them. (Woodcut 1475)

Towards the end of 1348 news of the pest (known also as 'Black Death '-tr) and the well poisenings blamed on the Jews at Bern reached Basel. Under pressure fron guilds and tradesmen, who saw well poisenings as cause for the pest, the the city council, tho convinced of the innocence of the Jews, gave in to their demands, and so on 9. or 16. (or 16. & 23 ) January 1349 600 Jews were burnt in an esoeciallv built wooden buildina on a sandbank in the Rhine near the Birsia Delta. 130 children were baptized. All debts owed Jews were declared null & void. The city council was forced to swear not to allow Jews in the city for 200 years.

This all enconpassing , bloodiest, and in it's consequent persecution of the

6

js'ws in itiGdi0val GGnnany deinandGd it's sacrificGS in thG small citiGS of our j^0glon as wGll . So thG jgws of Waldshut^ SaGCkingGn» NGUGnbiirg (MuGllhGim) and Broisach wGrG pGrsGCUtGd/ murdGrod/ and thGir propGrty takGn.

January 30, 1349 thG jgws of Froiburg wGrG bumod, with thG GXCGption of thG twGlvG richGSt, with whosG hGlp onG wantGd to ascGrtain thG jgws dGbts, and childrGn and prGgnant womGn, whosG souls wGrG to bG savGd by baptism.

FGbruary 14,1349 thG 1,800 jgws of Strassburg were burnt on a woodon structurG in thG cGmGtary. But first, thG old city council who wanted to protect the jews — was forced to resign.

The persecutions of the jews spread from town to town. Hardly any of the large congregations between Cologne & Basel survived these terrible times.

These terrible persecutions and methods one cannot blame on a latent anti- semitism (in author's opinion), as Schwinekoerper did, and certainly not the modern racial antisemitism that only in the 19th & 20th century bore it s terrible fruit. With exactly the same methods other social minorities were persecuted, i.e. the Albigensians in France, the Hussites in Bohemia.

The inviolability of the person, especially if unbeliever or heretic, meant nothing in medieval values. Just as little to such a group. Differences in speech, religion and customs, but also jealousy over economic success, were causes of this persecutions. Also tne lesser mortality of the jews, caused by their more moderate

lifestyle and better physicians, was used against them That meant for the

victims (of the pest): they (the jews) did not succumb, and who is not a victim must be a murderer

In the following period the toleration or non-toleration of jews within the cities was handled very differently. Freiburg, for example, within 200 years expelled it's jews five times, every time 'forever'.

More and more jews settled in the countryside, exchanged their econimically certain but otherwise dangerous situation for a much guieter but economically almost impossible life. Upon payments of higher or lesser sums of money they put themselves under the protection of the local ruler. So, Margrave Karl (1553-1577, previously regent of the upper margraviate) took under his protection on 20 August 1544 the jew Schmol, against payment of 80 gulden 48 ells velvet, for 12 years at Weil/Rhine. At the same time four other jews

for 4, resp.l2 , years taken in protection at Salzburg.

On 18 November 1533 the squire Adelberg von Baerenfels took under his protection

• . — 1 * t ■% It 1 . — J rr%

J yw JJdVXU du vjj.ciLXiau.li wxuiiwwi^/ uww w— ^ —

Already 1542 jews were mentioned as living in Schliengen, that then was part of teh bishoprice Basel, as well as Steinenstadt , Haltingen, later also at Mauchen

S. Istein.

7

Margrave Ernst I (1535-1553), the father of the above-named Karl, in 1556 allowed the jews in Suizburg to build their own cemetary.

On 26 May 1570 the margrave permitted the jew Jakob from Aach with wife, his father and his servants, to settle at Kandern in the territory of Roetteln under his protection.

The development after Karl's death is turbulant . So , under his successor, Georg Friedrich (1604-1622, a more and more strict position was taken against the jews. The Landstaendige Ausschuesse (council of landholders, petty rulers-tr )

of Sausenburg, Roetteln and Badenweiler, demanded 1582 at Schloss Roetteln ' hereafter no longer be burdened by jews*. In his political testament Georg Friedrich wrote 17 Nov. 1615: ...In order to keep our religion... we have sent away all the jews from our principality. . .and demand that all future margraves do not eprmit jews to live in our Fuerstenthum (principality-tr ) .

So the jews were expelled from the upper and in 1622 the lower margraviate. Foreign jews were permitted to pass thru upon the purchase of expensive 'Geleit Briefe' (passports-tr ) , however strictly forbidden to have any trade or other connection with the subjects.

In the period of the Thirty Years War a number of jews settled in the upper margraviate. After the 1648 peace they were again expelled, but upon payment of 'Geleitgeld' (passage money-tr) could travel thru the country. Not too many used this opportunity.

Under Friedrich VI (1659-1677) the situation of the jews improved markedly., he no longer held to the prohibition of his grandfather. The last years of his regime and almost the entire reign of his successor Freidrich Magnus (1677-1709) were troubled times due to the french warmongering, under which the jews too fled the country. Friedrich Magnus in 1697 wanted to re-enforce this status in 1697 with a decree, shortly after the peace at Rijswick 1697, that no jews be permitted to settle in the country and foreign jews not be permitted passage

for trading.

Economic plight, poor saleability of cattle and farm products, the complaints of the peasants who no longer had cash money available, did not permit this sole princely decree to become law. 'The farmers of the country would have been forced to sell outside the country in bordering areas and would ahve had to assume

higher risks.

Until 1709. the beainnina of the reign of Karl Wilhelm (1709-1738) no jews were settled in the upper part of Baden.

Under the reign of Karl Wilhem his liberal thinking particularly affected the laws relating to jews. On 4 May 1716 jews could settle in the following comnunes of the Oberland as 'Schutzjuden' (protected jews-tr) lEnmendingen - 5 families.

8

in Muellheim - 4 families, in Salzburg - 4 families and in Loerrach 4 families.

All of these jews were from Switzerland. For these 4 towns 1716 is the actual founding date of their Jewish communities. Altho jews have been mentioned long ^30fore, especially at Muellheim, in documents. The 225— year old uninterrupted history begins for them too this 4 May 1716.

They were all friends or relatives of the Judenschultheiss (jew mayor, official— tr) Joseph Guenzburger, who in the austrian Breisach sat as 'Oberherr (a sort of soverign, ruler-tr) for the jews of the Markgraeflerland, and who was responsible for the prompt payment of the Schutzgeld (protection money-tr) to the margrave .

The Founding - 1736 - 1802

P.19 The Markgraeflerland and adjoining areas on a french map ca.l720.

I'^^ter the Jewry of Domeck, where they have sat guietly for 80 years, are as pgj- the received decree of 9 January, reguired to leave with wife and child, also with their goods from our land, have with hereby presented reasons against this respectfully to look upon the Jewry with mercy for the 9 Jewish households

in Domach to be expelled (The old german is very diff icult-tr ) .

With this citation begins the history of the Jewish community of Kirchen. The Jewish community of Domeck— Dorf /Cant on Solothurn, . .who lived here since 80 years. . . had since 1830 difficulties with their ruler, the council of the Canton Solothurn, or more specifically the Landvogt (bailiff-tr) von Domach-Thierstein. Even tho on 22 March 1730 Leible Bloch received permission from the Domach council to buy a house, this permission was withdrawn already four weeks later, and the prohibition against the acquisition of real property extended to all Jews.

Under threat of a fine of 10 pounds the cantonal comcil decided also not ot permit any more Jews into Domach.

"On 9 January 1736 the complaints against the Jews were documented the the vogt thereupon ordered 'to expel them with bag & baggage'". This decision was ratified 10 Febmary 1736 and Michaeli (Michaelmas-???-tr) set as the final date that same year.

The expelled families largely onigrated to nearby Alsace, primarily to the towns Hegenheim & Buschweiler, the other part crossed the Rhine into the Baden-Durlach Oberamt Roetteln (D.D. upper adm. office Roetteln-tr ) to the towns Loerrach & Kirchen.

rm. J — -* J in T tllG 10WXS1t.

X AAA W w*- ^ — — — -

coimtunity in 1940 by teh frequently occurring name Domacher.

The 200 year history of the Jewish community at Kirchen begins with the emigration of Jewish families fron Domach, the history of not always

9

exemplary but generally peaceful coexistance with the Jewish minority that at times made up 20% of the total population.

The first jew documented at Kirchen is Hirz (Herz) Bloch. A document dated 6 November 1747 & signed by Margrave Karl Friedrich of Baden ( Judenschutzbried- letter of protection-tr ) is issued in the name of the jew Hirz Bloch. It states;

that we take into our further protection the jew Hirz Bloch who has been

so as of 31 March 1736, at Kirchen in our territory of Roetteln, and shall

further continue in such protection etc (rough translation-tr ) .

So it follows that Hirz Bloch was settled at Kirchen before 31 March 1736.

Not much can be said about his person (8.0). He died 1753 and had a son July Bloch (12.0).

As Schmidt elaborates, in the oldest extant population register of Kirchen,

1810, is stated that Hirz Bloch came from Domach in Canton Solothurn. Further Schmidt refers to the ' Leutrum ' sehe Handschrift' (L. handwritten document-tr) of 1731 where a.o. is stated: ...In these territories luck wills that only a few Jewish families live here - Loerrach - 3, Thumbringen - 2, & Kirchen - 4.

Leutrum names these four families: here are four families, 4 brothers of

the Bloch family". The name Bloch is among those expelled from Domach. Also a certain tradition in naming (preference of given names Salomon & Leibl-Leopold ) in Domach as well as in Kirchen leads to the possible descent of the Kirchen Blochs from Domach.

Schmidt's assertion raises scane questions in view of all circumstances

1736 could be the first date of Jewish settlement at Kirchen

The date of the first Schutzbrief, 31 March 1736, raises puzzles. The Jewish fcimilies were only asked to leave Domach 10 Febr.1736 and had time to do so well into summer. The not exactly Judophile position of the Landvogt v.

Leutrum, aind the less than quich bureaucracy at karlsmhe appear to suggest that Hirz Bloch imnigrated to Kirchen before 10 Febr.1736.

Soon the Jews of the Oberamt Roetteln, both from Loerrach & Kirchen, participated in the hcanage paid to guardian Karl August set for 15 August 1738, that was at first planned on the Kalten Herberge (Cold Refuge-tr; an inn???) but because of limited room was transferred to Loerrach. All subjects over 14 years of age were required to attend, altogether 7,133 persons swore allegiance at Loerrach.

Each siibject then received a measure of wine & a half pound of bread. Frexn later times the swearing of allegiance (Huldigung) of the Jews of Loerrach & Kirchen is documented. This took place in a festive manner in the synagogue with the participation of the Rabbi.

This second to last wave of founding of Jewish cenmunities after their destructions in the middle ages is however not specific to the Baden Oberland.

10

In neighboring Alsace a number of alrger congregations were founded about the same time (Tr.note: Community is the general settlemen, congregation is used for the specific such entity, altho the two meanings overlap);

Sierenz, Niederhagenthal, & Hueningen. Before this the large congregations of Hegenheim (founding of cemetary 1673) 7 Blotzheim prior to 1660. In Basel, the seat of the Fuerstbischoff (Prince Bishop-tr), a Jewish burial place was founded 1572 at Zwingen.

P.21 Judenschutzbrief of Lazarus Braunschweig In addition to the named places in Alsace and Switzerland as well as the settlement in Loerrach, Tumr ingen & Kirchen, Fischingen (no names given) and later for a short time Maerkt must be listed as Judenschutzplatz (j .protecting towns-tr).

The tiem when the jews came to Kirchen happened to fall into a decade in which the anti-jewish laws were once again made stricter. Reasons for this may be the large numbers of jews who settled in the upper and lower margraviate. So 1729 notice was given that who does not pay his Schutzgeld (protection money-tr) on the due date will immediately lose his protection and must leave the country.

1735 the maximum interest was set at 5% in 1735. For every jew coming from foreign countries to settle in the margraviate the following conditions must be met;

He must prove ownership of at least 800 fl. and pay his Schutzgeld in advance, semiannually, in cities - 40 fl., in villages - 25 fl. On 13 Febr.1747 all Schutz- briefe were recalled. If a new one was to be issued application must be made within a month and a fee paid of 3 fl. as tax and another 3 fl.for the 'Stempel' (stamp-tr). Applications were frequently required to decalred that they will not apply for protection for any of their children living in the land.

In spite of this the Jewish community at Kirchen grew:

1738 9 persons (3 men,l widow, 5 hired men (Knechte)

1749 29 persons 1750 30 persons

1751 30 " 1757 33

1785 8 Jewish households were said to be counted.

Public opinion vs. the jews was tense in the Oberland. In neighboring Loerrach the Schutz Jude Nathan Braunschweig came into conflict with the Basel authorities in 1722. Landvogt v. Leutrum reports: A few years ago a Schutzjud Nathan Braunschweig called 'Satan Braunschweig' by the peasants, gave a poor example of the hoped for conversion of the jews (no religous, but civil-tr). He and another jew at Basel nrantir-P a gndipRs? nranlc. when he learned that a market wanan carried a box with jewels and preciosa valued at 1,000 fl.with her for sale, these two jews apoke to her under the impression of wanting to buy them. The one stranger jew was a Portugese who deals in such goods.

However they had a tin box made of the same kind etc. as that of the wcxnan.

11

and pa lying around with thG two boxGS and thG contents of the one from her hand like cut-purses and gave her the false one containing only junk and other false goods, fled to France, but were sought after and caught, had lengthy court process & imprisonment which caused the local administration considerable difficulty.

The documents of the Oberamt report on this affair; Since Nathan B. was seen in the Krone (inn) in Klein-Hueningen with a strange jew he was suspected of teh deed. The Basel magistrate requested the extradition of the jew to the Oberamt Roetteln so he could be interrogated and confronted by other at Basel.

On 2. July 1722 Nathan B. requests the margrave to have him questioned at Loerrach since according to a guard at the Riehener Tor at Basel nothing good awaited him. Now follows a sometimes contradictory correspondence between the Oberamt, the the margrave's office and the Council at Basel. B. travelled to Karlsruhe in this matter hilself but never was seen again. Wife and children also suddenly disappeared from Loerrach. For it's seeming lack of supervision the Oberamt on 15 October 1722 drew a reprimand from Karlsruhe. Basel, after the non-appearance of B. at the set date of 27 June 1722 decided that the entire jewry of Loerrach be responsible for the loss, and forbade the jews to enter Basel. But since in teh meantime a new market was opened at Hueningen the Basler saw themselves dis- advanteged in their businesses and demanded the cancellation of the ban. Besides a lot of innocent jews were affected thereby. At the same time the victim, thru untiring detective work, managed to locate Nathan and the Portugese at Strassburg, and to have them arrested December 1723. Their property was confiscated, and in their apartment was found the little box containing the jewels. Switzerland requested extradition from France. After lengthy diplomatic negotiations - the Braianschweigs meanwhile had become french subjects and within the jurisdiction of the court at Colmar - both were sent to Basel 6 May 1724. 'Nathan was taken to the Eselturm (donkey tower-tr) and Lazarus to the Baerenhaut (bear skin-tr).'

Both denied having done the 'Filoustreich' (villainous prank-tr), so they were tortured to secure a confession. Now the relatives of the two jews declared themselves prepared to pay for the damage that amounted to 3,000 fl. for the jewels and 3,600 fl. for the court.

On 19 July 1724 the judicial faculty of the small Basel council issued an opinion that is typical of the jurisprudence of the time and therefor given:

After reviewing the results of the inquisition and examination of the two jews accused of two villainous & thieving pranks, one at Jakob Werenfels and the other by the market wcxnan Barbara Bleichin, and found guilty.

As to the extent of the punishment it is our opinion that the two thieves

cannot be puniched with their lives and for the following reasons:

12

1) According to Roman law th© thieves can't be punished with execution/ the

thieves will in addition to the infamy (?) pay back the two-to four-fold value

of the stolen goods. 2) Also according to mosaic law does not call for lif©/ but the 2 -5 fold repayment of the stolen goods value/ which demands that the Christian judge be no harsher. 3) If criminal penalties are to be suited to the on-line and there is no comparison between a theft and the blood of a human/ since

temporal goods are replaceable/ but life cannot be restored.

In any case the matter is to be decided according to the new imperial laws of Friedrich I and the carolingian 'Halsgerichtsordnxang' (? court practive-tr )

and the general wordly practice based thereon.

According to this the two have forfeited their lives because; 1) the thefts exceed a value of 2 —3/000 fl. which calls for death even in the first instance. 2) Their portion fo the stolen goods is immatrial for the verdict. The crime is so much worse because it was a theft repeated at different times. The Hals- ordnung' (neck rule-tr) demands that by the rendition of the verdict the person and position of the thieve be considered/ but the reputation of the inguisitors is not the best. But since the thieves did not use force or broke in at night one can ameliorate the strictness of the law as far as the general public good

did not demand an example.

Normally both had earned rope & gallows / but since they agreed to repay for or return the stolen goods / which makes good for the damages of the victims/ so they are not puniched by execution but are sentenced to permanent expulsion from the country/ with or without caning as punishment as seen fit.

T^orofor on 5 August 1724 the council decided as follows: " The jews Lazarus and Nathan Braunschweiger are to led out of the city with raised canes and perma-

nently banned from city and country.

This affair blew up much dust/ naturally/ and the memory remained with the populace for a long time. About 90 years later J.P. Hebei wrote it up among his calender tales, List gegen List (trick vs.trick-tr ) . There he says a.o.:

A wellknown goldsmith had sold two well dressed persons valuable jewelry worth about 3,000 taler for teh coronation in Hungary. They then paid 1,000 taler cash, put all they had chosen in a little box and sealed it, and gave it to the goldsmith as security for the still unpaid sum, or at least that's what the goldsmith thought, that it was the same. "In 14 days" they said, "we'll bring

All was put into writing, day went by, another four

weeks pass. Nobody wants the little box. Finally the goldsmith said: Why should

I guard your property at my risk and have the capital tied up to boot?

13

So hG wantGd to open thG box in tliG prGscncG of an official and deposit the already paid 1,000 taler. But when it was opened, "dear , good goldsmith" said the actuary, "you've been taken by these two rogues". For instead of jewelry and gold the box contained pebbles and lead. The two merchants were rogues, bohemian jews, put the true box on the side quietly and gave back to the gold- smith the other that looked alike. "Goldsmith" said the actuary, "here good advise is expensive. You're an unlucky man."

In Kirchen the population fought with all available means against the immigration of more jews because with three of those seeking residence they had less than good

experience.

We will often be able to view in futinre the immigration of alsation jews since their situation was not the best. The applications of alsation jews were often supported by french officers and officials with whom Landvogt von Wallbrunn had good relations ca.l760.

So in January 1760 Salomon Ullmann from Duermenach sought protected acceptance at Kirchen. He had been involved in a lawsuit about an inheritance and was accused of having bribed the witnesses to give false testimony at Colmar. He was afraid that he would be persecuted because of this and. .. 'possible taken by the head for this is what generally happens to jews in Alsace when they are persecuted.' He had a letter of commendation from Commandant d'Arimont of Gross— Hueningen and was — but only after a second application — accepted as Schutzjude at Kirchen on 23 May 1761. But he did not prove himself worthy of this kindness, for in a few years he returned to Duermenach with his wife,

]_0aving behind many debts — he was in arrears with the Schutzgeld too. On 20 September 1765 the town council of Kirchen reported: Salcanon Ullmann had promised all the best when he was taken into 'Schutz'. But since then he has behaved himself so that the whole coinmanity complains about him. Many had given him fruit, oil, wood, etc. on promises but never received a kreutzer therefor. Also he owes his j-0j^t even tho he had already ruined the house enough. Since 'Georgi he s been away and so was his wife, and they left the children behind. The Kirchener were thus heavily burdened because the people were afraid that they could cause a

terrible accident with fire.

Shortly thereafter, 1762, Isaak Haenlein )Haenle) from Opfingen sought a protected place in the Oberland. However the example of Salomon Ullmann suffices. In a

report of the town office of 20 Sept. 1762 is declared:" The entire citizenry

have cried terribly Originally only 2 Schutz juden were in Kirchen, now

there are 40. They're poor as beggars and cause great harm to the community. They'll talk the peasauits out of wood, fruits and all else but not pay therefor.

14

One might spare the town more jews". Isak Haenly was not accepted.

1766 a third settlement application was made. It is therefor no wonder that the people of the Oberamt were suspicious of jews of the Ullmann family.

This was felt by Nathan Ullmann of Duermenach, a cousin of Salomon, when he and his brother Meier wanted to settle in Kirchen. I 1762 during an argument with a Christian he hit his opponent in the chest and knocked him ot the ground. Five days later the Christian died.

In Hirsingen the Amtmann (local magistrate— tr ) Hell, who was evilly disposed towards jews in general. He caused no little commotion in the entire Alsace when he passed out forged receipts to jew 's debtors by bunches and therefor ruined hundreds of jewish families. This Amtmann had the corpse of the Christian opponent autopsied, whereby the doctor was said to have found a blood clot that caused the man's death. Nathan Ullmann had to flee. He was sentenced to death, and in his place his picture was set up on the Duermenach gallows.

From Hagenthal he requested protection from the margravian administration to be taken into Schutzaufnahme' in Kirchen until the king of France would pardon

him. And this appeal too was supported by Commandant d'Arimont, since Ullmann had worked for him often & well. But the Hof rat (court councillor— tr) denied

the application of Ullmann since there was an extradition treaty concerning deserters & malefactors between Baden & France, and if one took him in troubles

with France would arise. In addition all the jews of the Oberamt had protested against the acceptance of Nathan & Meier Ullmann since a warrant was outstanding against them, the were criminals & owned nothing.

Meanwhile Nathan & Meier were not sitting still in their temporary refuge.

Together with Bertold Vogt & Nathan Aaron (probably from Buchsweiler) they visited the swiss fairs since 1767 and carried on a sizable trade in linen, cloth, silks, gold & silver trimmings, that brought them good earnings. Surprisingly the extradition treaty with France was no longer a problem when 1769 Nathan Ullman applied for Schutzaufnahme in Loerrach. He offered 50 fl. protection money and 10 new Louis d'Or for goods bought in Pforzheim. Nevertheless the following year he declared himself ready to travel to Pforzheim and buy as many goods as was suitable to him. The Oberamt 1769 supported his application, recited his circum- stances, and particularly mentioned that he was married but ahd no children. He planned to open a store in Loerrach with his goods, but look to foreign parts

LWL. UliC lUClJWi. w

/- 1. J

wx. 1 1 .lb ^

_ 4 M M r>r%T.T

M/-> in 1-V>o OVvanami"

carries the goods that the subjects up to now had to buy in Basel, so that the money went out of the country. The settlement can't hurt the country. Because most all the local jews trade mostly with cattle, and less with sugar & coffee.

15

but NAthan Ullmann carries entirely different gcx)ds and therefor not damaging anyone; also we have no qualms with his Schutzaufnahme to respectfully apply for the granting of the application." Added to the petition were supporting letters from the firm Fuerstenberger & Sons and the merchants guild of Yverdon. Nor did the Rentkammer (finance office-tr) hav any objection to Ullmann 's acceptance , if he only opened a shop with the concerned goods, but otherwise

seek his earnings out of the country.

Therefor on 13 Nov. 1769 Ullmann received the 'Schutz' at Loerrach, a7 75 fl. protection money plus 10 new Louis d'or for not not having to buy Pforzheim goods.

The economic position of the jews of Kirchen, judging by the above, was very poor. "Nothandel", this word that ghosts thru all lists, documents and orders, that somehow concern the occupational & finacial situation of the jews, is a highly succint therefor (tr. is almost impossible in sensible manner-tr-see further). Ruerup defines it as follows: With "Nothandel' one can define a commerce that is carried out without adequate capital & proper business orginasation, i.e. lacking any other means of earning a meager livelihood.

Because of the constant expulsion from towns it was impossible for jews to invest earned capital, if it was even permitted by then current laws. A statistic of 1800 for the Oberamt Roetteln list the jews among the poorer of the margraviate. The per-head capital (Vermoegen - total ownership-tr ) in Roetteln was 149.16 fl., while at Durlach it was 770.63, at Karlsruhe - 753.81, Badenweiler - 243.14 fl, Pforzheim 214.56, at Hochberg - 165.03 fl. The jews of Rastatt, Ettlingen, and a few other Aemter (district-tr) were poorer still. Their per-head capital was 110.-

fl. resp.64.15.

Other than in the cities the jewish population of the countryside remained poor and had difficulty earning the barest living after the punctually payable Schutzgeld. In Kirchen they traded mainly in wines & grains, left cattle to fatten in meadows or left it with fanners (for feed farmer kept milk & manure-tr). That under the oppressive circumstances they used any means of earning thier livelihood is dis- regarded even today in the 'moral' estimation of their means of earning their livings. If jews wanted to buy real estate, i.e. houses or land, the following order pertained in the margraviate: In re the purchase of houses by jews it was decided in more recent times, that in both parts of the ocuntry where jews live, they may buy houses without requiring special dispensation. Except for the general liability pertaining to all houses (taxes-tr) they are limited in certain ways:

1. That such houses with any side may not be opposite any side of a church, and not be nearer to the plaza surrounding the church 200 feet counting from the

nearest side of the church

16

1

A Clear example of this generally poor economic situation worsened for the jews by means of special rules and laws is the letter of Lazarus Braunschweig of Loerrach, pamas, dated 23 May 1765, in which he writes to the margrave in the name of all jews living in Oberamt Roetteln, and in which he requests recission of the rule requiring all contracts between & Christians to be signed by two honest Christian men and the head of the village or toen. The old rule had made all commerce impossible for jews. In order to bypass this expensive and time-consuming law peasants would prefer to sell to foreign jews or would go to Basel to the market. This law damages the country more than it helps. Of the same opinion were the heads of communities of Loerrach, Oetlingen, Efringen, Tuellingen, Weil, Brombach, Wollbach & Kirchen.

Already on 13 July 1765 the reply came from Durlach. A change was decreed for the Oberaemter Roetteln, Badenweiler & Hochberg, as it said, due to ' particular princely leniency'. In ordinary trade now a single honest Christian, who had no debts to a jew, was to brought in as witness, chosen by the Christian party to the trade. All other business with foreign jews, and with all principal and final accountings, also promissory notes and property transfers between Christian and jews, will continue with the orignal law.

In addition to this complicated method of doing business, a new duty applied to new jewish settlers in the Oberland, in that they had to buy from the orphanage- factory at Pforzheim at least 200 fl. woolen goods. The jews had to resell the expensive goods in foreign countries in order to retain the local market within the country.

A misfotune was the conversion to Catholicism of the jew David Guenzburger, who had been so successful in representing the interests of the jews in the Oberland, in 1753, and a new revision of this question was necessary. Because of the growing number of jews in the Oberland for Unterschultheisse ( sub-mayors-tr ) were appointed , one each for the margraviate Hochberg, the city of Sulzburg, the domain Badenweiler, and the land-graviate Sausenburg with domain Roetteln. Lazarus Braunschweig became 'mayor' of the jews of Roetteln. As 'Obershcultheiss ' functioned the court factor Salomon Meyer at Karlsn:ihe, who often had to speak for the jews of Loerrach.

Difficulties also arose with the butchers due to 'schaechten' (ritual slaughter-tr ) particularly since the butcher's guild law of 1755 ordered that in future butchers were to slaughter the cattle and sell the meat to the jews.

Par.i/ or tne bcnuczoriere serrxea trie meat, auppxy Tux jcwiah raiuxixco.

jew could slaughter for his household as much meat as he needed, beeves, calves

& sheep. What he was not allowed to use because of jewish law he could sell by

the quarter or the pound, but not at usury and without damaging butchers.

17

In the 30 's of the 18th century the jews and butchers agreed that the jews were allowed to annually slaughter 25 pieces of cattle, ritually. The new butcher order called for the butcher to slaughter the cattle and sell the meat to the jews, however. Therefor the butchers wanted 'neither the cattle needed in our households , nor the accorded 25 beeves to be butchered....'. Since the jews saw themselves damaged by this reduction of a given right they on 11 January 1757 requested protection and were supported in their demand by the Oberamt.

A Hofratsdekret (court councillor's decree-tr) of 9 March 1757 ordered that

when the jews and butchers can't agree the Ober amt is to order 'according to

proportion of the jewry for their household use a certain quantity that they

may themselves slaughter, but must take care that they may not eat of the

ritually slaughtered cattle, except when at a place designated pviblicly the

same is reviewed by non-partisan inspectors for quality and true value, to be

sold at the legal price, in order to prevent all trickery and the forbidden peddling.

(The above is a single sentence in older german - I think I got it right - tr).

How the decision of the Oberamt worked out we don't know. However it was not enough to prevent new difficulties that arose 1763 and had to be adjusted as follows. It had to contain the seed for more arguments because again the increase of jewish families was disregarded.

21 January 1764 Landvogt von Wallbrun of the Oberamt issued the following decree: After the agreement of 19 January 1764 between the heads of the butchers guild of the local Oberamt on one part, and the jewry of Loerrach and Kirchen on the other, concerning the slaughtering permitted the jews of cattle needed for their year's needs the following is ordered:

1. That the Kirchener as well as the Loerracher jews according to their needs, and for each holiday the Loerrach jews may slaughter 2 'Schmahl' (?-tr) cattle and the Kirchener, one, but the butchers of each place to be sold the hindquarter of such cattle, or the whole if same proved not kosher, at 2 rappen per pound, or if they won't take it the jews may sell it themselves.

2. If the jews need meat for other than holidays they are to advise the butchers

in order that they obtain kosher meat and offer it to the jewry at the regular price. In case they will not procure it, the jewry totally - not each household - may obtain the necessary cattle and slaughter it themselves.

3. Between Christmas & Easter the jews are to be provided salted meat for the

yedL äu oiiey LTcUi XU xii uuti^xx xd&iixuuf uue xxn:£xxau:iiex

12 cattle r but under the same condition that the butchers are required to buy the un-kosher meat as well as the hind quarters.

4. In order not to overload the citizenry with meat such excess meat shall be

18

distributed in the communities/villages Kirchen, Friedlingen, Ef ringen and Eime Idingen.

Where did the 38 - 40 jews who 1760 - 1780 lived their uncomfortable lives in Kirchen? From Blotzheim in Alsace 2 persons immigrated, from Domach /Ct. Solothurn 6, from Duermenach/Alsace 1, Emmendingen 3, Harburg/Alsace 1, Loerrach 4, Muellheim 1, Molsheim/Als . 1, Maerkt 2, Niedersept/Als . 3 , Opf ingen/Freiburg 1, Seb/Als. l,Sierenz/Als.l, and from Wolfzem/Als. 2 persons.

As mentioned above 1735/1736 the brothers Bloch came from Domach, Ct .Solothurn, Switzerland. 1749 the Loerracher Lazarus Braunschweig asked for the gracious protective acceptence of his brother Jacob to Kirchen. 1753 Moses Samuel from Wolfzen/Strassburg, 1756 Schmul frcxn the same place sought acceptance at Kirchen. 1760 followed the already named Samuel Ullmann, 1766 Samuel Ruf of Blotzheim,

1780 a Schlummel Bloch, merchant from Seb/Als. Up to & incl.1820 by marriage or immigration for economic reasons were added jews from primarily Baden communities, from Emmendingen, Loerrach, Muellheim, Maerkt & Opfingen.

What is apparent in this list is the concentration of the home towns of the immigrants from Alsace, but also for the period great distance and distribution. Did the various jurisdiction in Alsace have stricter jew laws? The large distri- bution of the emigration towns can be fairly simply explained by the almost universal jew law in which only the first-bom child had the opportiinity to be accepted in the Schutz of his birthplace. Those following often had to wander for a long time.

This colorfully mixed collection of people probably organized itself into a congregation guite soon. According to Zehnter the Kirchen jews built a synagogue already 1766. This is questionable for many reasons. Numerically the congregation was too small to even need a room exclusively for worship, and finacially they could never have managed the cost of a synagogue building. I also question Schmidt's assertion, who thinks that this date hides the new construction of a Betsaal (prayer room-tr). For this the congregation lacked the money. Also, Minyan by ca.40 pop. was hardly likely, this means 7-8 families, without help from outside.

The jews of Kirchen held their worship in the house of the Schutz jude July Bloch until Easter 1789. Only after this date can one speak of a building similar to a synagogue. It was set up in an already existing house and served the congre- i-in nn4--ii <-Vio now r'ons't- mr"-*- i nn fn hhp npw svnaaocTue 1831 for worhsio.

P.28. In this house (Fr.Rottra Str.31) was porbably the first Betsaal. To conceptualize a jewish congregation (or community-tr) is very difficult.

Ancient talmudic conepts mix with legal & religous & organizationalviews of

19

of the Christian surroundings. S.Taeiabler-Stem defines as follows: The Jewish congregation cooperatively unified/ solidary/ autonomous body/ that totally administers it's financial/ social/ police and legal affairs freely and independently. Seen socially it is a corporate organization/ constitutionally

democratic/ socially an oligarchy. Constitutionally the congregation carries out all functions/ each taxed member has the right to elect officials & head of the congregation (Pamas-tr). Just as the congregaiton can be said to be demo- cratic it can be called oligarchic. Certain groups within the congregation/ the rich/ well known- and -regarded/ etc. hold the most important offices.

Until deep into the 18th century the autonomy of the Jewish congregation was untouched. Only the absolutist state curtailed these rights since all power comes from the state. It mixes into the congregation's affairs. It settles or clears all arguments/ organizes the finances/ orders the congregation & business books to be written in german.

" Since the beginning of the 18th century Baden-Durlach had a unterlaendische. . . . and oberlaendische Land Judenschaft (country Jewry-tr) comprising the Oberamt

Emmendingen/ Herrschaften Badenweiler & Roetteln/ and the landgraviate Sausen- burg At it's head stood a Oberschultheisss (Over Mayor-tr)/ Oberlandrabbiner

and three lawyers to care for all congregational affairs» for the settlement of all disputes and for representation of the Jewry vis-a-vis the state. At it's side were the deputies, generally elected every three years, representing the three classes - the rich, middle and poor - who at these gatherings set the tax rate, hwo they were to be disposed of, and the election of officials.

The Jewish congregation of Kirchen from it's beginning was under the rabbinate of Sulzburg. To this belonged the Oberland congregations von Emmendingen to Saeckingen, in our region Sulzburg, Muellheim, Loerrach & Kirchen. The actual founder of the rabbinate Sulzburg is the afore-mentioned Joseph Guenzburger,

Handelsmann & Judenvogt (trader and Jews govemor-tr) of Alt-Breisach. On 14 May 1720 he wrote to the margrave that the Jews of the Herrschaft Hochberg and Badenweiler owuld for a long time already like to have a rabbi for the instruction of the teachings and laws of Judaism as well as the settling of disputes. At the same time he recommended a candidate: David Kahn of Alt-Breisach. 1727 he

became rabbi of Sulzburg and remained until his death in 1744. Isak Kahn, his son followed in office 1744 and later was given the title of 'Landrabbiner. He died 1797 at a great age. In the same year Abraham Weil, grandson of the famous

Oberlandrabbiner Nathanael Weil, was chosen rabbi at Sulzburg and held this office until his death 1831.

For the sake of completeness we should mention the last rabbi at Sulzburg,

Emmanuel Dreifuss. After him the rabbinate Sulzburg was transferred to the newly

20

founded rabbinate Freiburg. (List of rabbis responsible for Kirchen- see Anhang # 21.

The position fo a rabbi before the constituional edicts was that of a totally independent judge in all concerns of the congregations, with the exception of the serious crimes (murder, manslaughter). Often he was the only one who could write german, and was constantly petitioner & correspondent for the congregation. Highly respected in the Jewish congregations, on an equal level with Christian clergy since 1809 under the grand-ducal daministration, the rabbi had as singualr position among the jews of that period.

During this time, the founding of the Jewish congregation of Kirchen, in 1771 the margraviates of Baden-Durlach & Baden-Baden combined. Mew economic ideas & knowledge came from France: The economics of the Physiocrats. Margrave Karl Friedrich (1728-1811) was an enthusiastic supporter, discontinued the current economics policies of closed borders for the import of goods and the one-sided advantage to manufacturers. If according to the teachings of the physiocrats trade destroyed character, it was not the fault of the trader but of the trade.

If only the contact with the earth made one natural & free, one therefor had to fill mankind with the blessings of the earth that were the furthest removed from nature.

P. 30-left: Margrave Karl-Friedrich (1728-1811) right: Johann Georg Schlosser (1739-1799)

1775 Goethe's brother-in-law, the Oberamtmann at Emmendingen, Johann Georg

Schlosser, undertakes a venture that all of Germany sought to duplicate. He sat

down with the heads of the Jewish congregations of his Oberamt and the teachers

of the Christian schools in order to organize instruction in the elementary

subjects reading, writing & arithmetic for Jewish children.

In a report of 12 Sept. 1776 he wrote to Karlsruhe: The german reading and

writing schools has such good results for the Jews that on visits I am amazed

to see how in so very few months they've advanced so far in spelling & reading

as well as writing as the Christian children couldn't after several years.

Of course the model-character of this school experiments remained Just that

much too long. Even as the 'Teutsche Judenschule' (german Jews school- tr) by

law became one required to be attended by all required to attend elementary

school, the country comnunities were slow to respond. These schools instructed

, , . ^ ,

only Doys to tne utn year, oirrs weie nuu nsquxi.t:>-i l-u auudiu xj. uncjr

were good at sewing and knitting.

Alongside these economic and school-political improvements in 1781 a book caused attention that strangely enough was again written by an official, the

21

Prussian Kriegsrat (war councillor-tr) S, archivist Wilhelm Dohm." About the civic improvement of the jews". Dohm, a close friend of the philosopher Moses Mendelsohn (1729-1786) in his book referred to the degrading position of the jews that had only one reason, i.e. that they were jews. As precondition for the demanded emancipation Dohm saw the change on part of state Sc society.

Only a year later, 18 October 1781 the Tolerance Edict of the austrian Joseph II removed all repressing jews laws of the past in the austrian areas of the later country Baden. However a court decree of 2 March 1786 required that poor jews whose estate didn't reach the minimum of 100 gulden, were as possible urged to emigrate.

With the above exceptions jews were free to live where they pleased, could send their children to already existing public schools or their own jewish schools, and had the opportunity to learn the trade of their choice. These new political, spiritual and not least the new economic ideas made a deep impression on the very liberal thinking Margrave Karl Friedrich of Baden. Already on Febr.l, 1782 he asked his court council a report on the new austrian laws in the neigh- borhood what Sc how of the new austrian laws is applicable to the jewish

inhabitants of our country ... and how jews can be urged to learn trades, and how their nourishment can be improved without disadvantage to the rest of the people . The reports from the various districts tended generally towards a more liberal position versus the jewr. Typical is the repoT*: <~f the economist Sonn'".rg of Loerrach. He der^caded equal rights .or the lews as the chriLtiars have since the latter here and there als-' are impoverished, particularly 'because they can't grasp the lifestyle to which they are suited.'

Shortly thereafter serfdom was abolished in Baden, 1783, but which did not concern the jews since they were never serfs due to their particular status as ' Schutz juden ' .

The decree of Jan. 20, 1804 also did away the 'Leibzoll' (customs duty for jews-tr) as well as that applicable to deaths. 1798 the church authorities were asked if they could accept jews in general schools. The reply was positive, but had a few restrictions that are worth mentioning: .. .Jews shall be seated sererately in the schoolrooms because they rarely observe the cleanliness customary among Christians and still firther because they rarely can do away or hide their ideo- syncratic smell Early 1801 the Bad. Hof rat Philipp Holzmann wrote a report

. • t » • I- ^ J j. J —

Ull UUfcS i(Rrcai& / Xli 11J.O s-»x. J'-- * *.

ment of the jews in the lands of Baden". Holzmann 's report breathes the spirit of the french revolution and follows in large part the publication of his friend Dohm. he analyses the current laws as a conglamaration of superstition and igno-

rance.

22

Holzmann continues: One has viewed the jews as a people dammed and depraved, held them under terrible pressures and acted injustly towards them.... It is not the state's affair what the jews religious beliefs are, if only they do their duty as citizens, and if they do that the state has the best means in it's hands" These demands of Holzmann for the future show, viewed from today, exactly the way followed by the jewry of Baden to 1862. It was to take over a half century until Holzmann 's proposals would become reality. The time was not ripe 1801 for these plans. They went the way of uncomfortable advice, into archives.

ADVANCEMENT (1803 - 1864)

P.32 - Margraviate Baden - 1800 Grand Duchy Baden - 1815

"That the jews since the destruction of Jerusalem, that is, since more than 1700 years, live on the whole earth in dispersal with no fatherland or civil rights, that most of them without doing any useful work have to support them- selves from the inhabitants of a country, and that in many places are treated as foreigners, maltreated and persecuted, is know to God & sorrow. Many in ignorance say 'One should chase them from the country'. Another says sensibly ' one should make working and useful people of them and then keep them' . This beginning was made by the great emperor Napoleon. . . and in 1806. . . he had written to the entire jewry in France that they should send him of their midst sensible and

learned men Therefor he formed the jewish meeting ...the Great Sanhedrin..

that was translated a meeting and in olden times was called the great council

at Jerusalem. . . "

Hebei's view of history of the legal solution of the jewish emancipation desires, exem^glified with the fall of the great emperor Napoleon, is similarly the echo of the strong changes in jewish laws in Baden.

Baden, that as already mentioned, came into existence by Napoleon's grace and the cleverness of the Paris envoy Sigmund Karl Johann, Freiherr von Reizenstein (1766 - 1847, with it's borders intact until 1952, by means of the melding of the most different districts, was basically forced to a new jew policy by three factors:

P.33 S.K.J. , Freiherr von Reizenstein, 1766 - 1847 N.F. Brauer, 1754 - 1813

The Development of Population - 1771 - 1809.

In the margraviates united 1771 lived 1790 2,iöb jews or a pop. or io^^,u7o.

jews = 1.3% of pop.

In Electorate Baden - 1803 - 6,500 jews, 450,000 pop. = 1.44%

Grand Duchy Baden - 1806 - 12,000 jews, 902,498 pop. = 1.33%

23

Th0 Jewish population grew over 5-fold by 1806 compared to 1790, the total population increased just a bit less. The problems resulting from these deve- lopments con no longer be managed with the laws of an absolutist state.

In addition to the impact of these numbers one may not forget the actual contribution to the new laws, the 9 constitutional edicts, made by Baden. In

the drawers and archives of the grand-ducal offices were the propxDsals, memos, and reports for the improvement of the jews in Baden. Much what had been done by these officials and court councillors still had validity in 1806, one think

only of Holzmann 's report.

Tbe efforts of three men must be mentioned in connection with the 9 constitu- tional edicts in Baden. They were mainly written by Nikolaus Friedrich Brauer (1754-1813), Geheimer Rat & adaptor of the Code Napoleon for Baden. His two associates were Karl Wilhelm Freiherr von Biberstein (1763—1817), actual secret councillor and head of the police 1806-1808, since 1809 minister of State and then interior minister, and the already mentioned Freiherr von Reizenstein.

Tb0y gave the Grand Duke a basic law that had no egual in german countries.

The third factor is taken fron Hebei's report of the Great Sanhedrin in Paris.

1806 a meeting was held of Jewish notables followed 1807 by the Great Sanhedrin reported by Hebei. 1808 Napoleon's jew decrees followed.

This napoleonic decree gave impetus to the legal reforms already in concept.

Of the individual edicts;

The first edict of 14 May 1807 brought the Jewish confession 'constitutional toleration'. Whereas in 1803 the three (3) Christian confessions were declared equal to one another and accepted constitutionally in this first edict, the actual eqaulity between the Christian churches and the Jewish religion was not yet fact. Rabbis as other clergy were seen as government employees in the performance of their duties (circumcision, marriage, burial).

The sixth edict of 4 June 1808 brought further improvement for Baden's Jews.

They were declared full citizens who passed that right to their heirs. With this their relationship versus the state was set. However in their communities

(towns, villages) they were still Schutzbuerger and had no right to common land nor the right to vote in communal elections. In exceptional cases the Grand duke could grant them local citizenship. But strangers became people who had a right to live in their coirinunity without restriction. Freedom of movement in the present manner did not exist for non-Jews either.

T ^ I

j. 1 •»■Vio 1 awe r-orra 1 nrr -l-Vio i I" 1 nn nF FtlP

i. ^

Jews, which were variously interpreted. They required an exact direction for their application.

These rules of application re the previous edicts on 13 January 1809 brought

24

about the 9th constitutional edict, the socalled 'jews edict', that was largely composed by Geheimrat Brauer.

In the introduction of the edict the civic equality of the jews is expressed ...to go into effectwhen in political and moral culture they seek to equal that of the Christians. . .so that civic equality shall not be disadvantagous to the other citizens!.

In all these edicts & laws is the spirit of 'Bevormundung' (having one's mind made up for one-tr), the 'corrections-spirit ' as Diibrow calls it. Equal treatment & equality of jews was often lost in a bulge of special rules. Jews were to become Christians, that is the simplified tenor of these laws.

But were not these constituional edicts the hope of all Germany's jews, didn't the jews of the other german states view the attainments of the jews of Baden with a certain envy, and weren't the Baden jews heartily grateful for these achievements?

Certainly one can agree with Dubrow's verdict; it wasn't a perfect law that once and for all removed all the disadvantages of the jews and brought eqaulity.

But also the jewish community of Kirchen will have fully agreed with these edicts since they saw their friends and relatives in the Basel region live in conside- rably less freedom.

Because of the constant wars of the time the jews of the Oberland were less aff©cted by these modern jew laws right off. This was also due to the spiritual head fo the jews in Salzburg, the unwordly & spiritual Rabbi Abraham Weil, who did nothing for the jews in his care towards teaching them the basis and spirit S. comprehension of their new rights, not to awaken them to their new duties.

He was primarily concerned that his sheep follow the religous laws strictly, which at the time was a matter of course of the then jewry. Only in 1814 he circularized the leaders of his flock to prepare the preconditions for the effectiveness of the new edicts, as if these people really had the ability to work towards the new needs of their people. It would have been appropriate for him to intensively visit his congregations and to expound the new spirit.

How unwordly for thet time and unequal for his position is shown by two circulars that I enclose below, of which the second was answered wisely by Nathan Reutlinger . "The equality of the jews -re. 4 August 1814 To the Pamas Nathan Reutlinger in Loerrach & Kirchen!

1, J ^

Dy uiie itixxu/ xwvAiiy

prince of our land, who ordered the full equality of the israelites with the other subjects in all civic & political matters expressed in Gov't. paper of 1809 # 6, we must meet the need to overcome the changes and un-permitted civil

25

affairs and must overcome the lowered customs and morals of our co-religionists and raise them in order to follow the new directions as per highest wish.

It is therefor the absolute requirement that the heads of the isr .congregations keep a watchful eye out on his subjects and to ensure by all proper means that propriety & morality shall exist among thean.

The first guide thereto is the holy religion. This is the source of trust & devotion, the support of the state, and with it's mild hand leads to morality, propriety & justice - and finally the source of happiness.

The parnas will from time to time remind the religion teacher that they teach and advise their students in their duties. One will in time issue instruction to the pamas.

Meanwhile the same is requested to within 3 weeks reply to the following questions:

a) What is the c\irrent moral situation in your district?

b) What means have been employed to date to raise same?

c) if one has taken care to advise of the highest purpose and explained, that in order to be worthy of the great good will, that one as soon as possible give up the 'Nothandel' and in it's place place seek an occupation similar

to that of the other citizens means of support?

The pamas will easily see the importance of this and what attention thereto is required in order to follow the highest will.

Sulzburg, 4 August 1814. /s/ Provincial Rabbi Abraham Weyl."

P. 36 Thias Weil, Oberland Rabbiner in Karlsruhe ( 1721 - 1805)

"Dancing on Sabbaths & Holidays. 4 June 1819.

High Priester ly Director ium!

Resp.plea of the Oberrhein.Prov. rabbi Abraham Weil at Sulzburg, the abolition of dancing on sabbath, festivals & holidays at the isr. local congregations Breisach, Hesingen, Eichstetten, Enmer.dingen, Sulzburg, Muellheim, Loerrach & Kirchen.

When in 1798 the gracious government of our land appointed me Landesrabbiner I have like my father the Oberlandesrabbiner Thias Weyl in Karlsruhe, forbidden the named isr.congregaitons the dancing on the sabbath-, festival- and holidays, and for the following reasons:

1) Our mosaic laws forbids dcincing on such days.

2) It is generally and too well known that this sort of dancing has no other purpose than a get-to-gether of pleasiire seekers, in order to create mischief dxia ixnmuLctxxi^y wiixmi uci.uaj.iixy iiu ouauc

3) Likewise I am convinced, and it is proven, that jewish youth, among than many poor who barely earn a gulden a week by their Nothandel, wasta a great deal of money. I ask now, where do tehse poor people get their money? Certain and in no other way, either they steal it from their poor parents or obtain it

26

in some other unjust manner.

4) It is proven that these holiday dances are even damaging to the Christian inhabitants, because our holidays usually fall on the Christian workdays.

Now if the Christian youth hears of a dance in town they let their work in the fields go and run to the dance, lose money & don't work. Therefor double damage evolves that often causes conflict in the Christian families.

For these reasons have I forbidden this dancing to Jewish youth. One followed my orders for a time until the sad waryears arrived, which damaged people not only physically but in their soul. Since these time isr. youth denies obedience.

I requested Bezirksaemter (local authorities-tr ) to refuse to issue dance-permits but in this too I was deceived. One also hears that the youth is now more enlightened than in former times. Wish to G'd it were so, then they would keep to their rleigion more punctiliously. Just the Enlightenment bids us to honor the religion because it asks for nothing that isn't good and asks: To serve the prince and fatherland with love, loyalty & devotion.

It is therefor self-evident that each disregard of the religion is damaging to the state.

I therefor plead that my arguments kindly be regarded and respectfully ask that they be ordered into force that on holidays no permits for dances be issued, and

that those who still dare to dance be puniched corporally

Sulzburg, 4 June 1819, loyally, Abraham Weyl, Porv. Rabbi.

The grand-ducal Bezirksamt agreed with the concern for the morals of the youth but on the other hand noted that since forever the Sundays & holidays were an occasion of pleasure and merriment to the Christians, and that therefor a most proper dance should be permitted for the single people.

The Loerrach Pamas declared hereto that in his view the provincial rabbi had more important things to concern him. . .At least I believe that the 25 fl. that are paid him by the local Jewish congregation annually, arebetter applied to:

1 ) to see that youth is educated and raised in religion

2) to see that the congregation has a good teacher,

3) that at least several times a yecir the synagogue rules are revued and that sermons are held to instruct the congregation in proper morals so that everyone will know what is right & wrong according to mosaic law, what one should and shouldn't do.

. T, v-aKK-i Viac nr>4- r’r>nr>omoH 'himcol'F With thPRP

matters. We need on occassion at great expense to seek advise from a rabbi in the neighboring Alsace. For this reason we must ccanplain and remind him to his duty so that we don't have to pay the 25 fl. for nothing.

27

Following the 9th constitutional edict the jews in Kirchen as elsewhere in Baden, the state now concerned itself with the up to now quite sovereign community life. So the jews were required to have the proper entries made in the registries immediately, as per art. XXX of the edict.

"The jew-mayor ( Juden-Schulz ) is to be advised to be sure that fo each marriage, birth & death proper notice is given" is in a report of the Bezirksamt Loerrach of 1 Febr.1816. in the same report that tells of the local occurrances for the past year, continues; "The jews in Kirchen apparently are in a very backward situation. The Amt has to observe this particularly, with particular attention to the keeping of the civil register be followed strictly according to proper order and form, particualrly however that the work-able young male jewish citizens not be admitted to Nothandel, but are directed to learning a trade.

In order to reach this charitable purpose one must proceed strictly against the parents or guardians of such you jewish males who are capable of learning a trade and not to permit exception other than the most critical reasons from the general rule.

How did the jewish congregation of Kirchen appear in these years of internal and external change?

1803 there were 48-50 members, 1810 there were 60. It was a young congregation.

1803 more than 70% of the jews then were under 30 year of age. 1810 it was still

58% under 30. A slight excess of men - 1803 - 56.8%, 1810 - 52 % is noted.

P.39 Contract for sale of a calf between buyer Johann Georg Wettlin of Ef ringen and Jesaias Bloch of Kirchen as seller.

(tr.note: body of contract is german script, signature of J. Bloch in cursive hebrew)

The occupational structure of the jews of Kirchen at this time is generally the same as mentioned in the previous chapter. A noticeable improvement is shown nevertheless in the change to cattle dealing (Viehandel). The income of the cattle dealers of this time cannot of course be compared with those of before and after the World War (I) which was much hihger. The econcmic and also the socially more stable positions improve in the listing of the second generation of the local jews. While primarily in the first generation of jews is the Nothandel, judged by the year after coming under 'Schutz' cattle dealing takes the place of the former more and more.

This development shows an improvement in the economic health of the jewish Land- aemeinde, but is still far from the dCTiands of the constitutional edict, accor- ding to which jews were to work 'at a means of support available to Christians.'

The relative late dates of the Schutzaufnahme (taking in Schutz-tr) 1816 & later show how difficult was the occupational change. The local citizenship within the hcxne-comniunity was dependant on the applicants occupation as per

28

Art. 18, 19, & 20 of the 9th const. edict.

1810 it came to a novum in the Jewish community in Kirchen: Jewish tradesmen/ artisans came to Kirchen for occupational reasons.

Moses Seligman (182.0) and Samuel Moses (147.0)were cobblers, Moses Levy was mechanic (124.0), Bernhard Lieber les (130.0) turner, Samuel Lieber les (129.0) weaver and Jew inn keeper, Samuel Bloch (45.0) butcher, Sigmund Weil (189.0) soapmaker. Of course it should be mentioned that most of these mentioned here were only born about the turn of the last century. Schmidt notes:... the main occupation fo the local Jews is almost exclusievely trading and the trades of mechanic & cobbler ... doen for a while... finds the plain declaration in the already noted const. edict paragraphs and their very accurate implementation by the Oberaemter. The Oberrat in Karlsruhe adds: The efforts of the administration to integrate the Jews into the cluristian population occupationally & socially, i.e. to make artisans & peasants of them, bore fruit slowly.

By the reports of the visitations of the Jewish congregations of Baden one can directly Judge the great economic plight of the Jews. "Their ancestors cannot have stood poorer before the brick kilns in Egypt as this ruined people in their miseerable huts... their hunger and nakedness forces them to do what the Talmud permits them: the old and the sick were abandoned by their families due to pover ty . . . one can certainly assume that seven eights of the Land's Jewry lives off Nothandel in the true spirit (i.e.Not= need-tr), half from dealing in small animals and peddling, and half fron begging, that with the greater requirements and vigilance on part of the citiznery and peasantry the Jew was no longer in the position over than as 50 years past.

A particularly serious crime in March 1816 in Kirchen belongs in the context of the Just described social difficulties of the Landjuden of Baden.

Report of the Oberhofgericht (High Court-tr) Mannheim of 23 Nov. 1816.

The 36-year old Hirz Bloch of Kirchen im Oberland, son of the there jews innkeeper (called Bannduttel) who previously went to small crimes because of his excesses & lazyness, decided on 21 March this year to murder the travelling merchant Baruch Kahn from Bissingen in Wurtemberg, who ahd stopped at the inn, and to rob him. On the following morning he went with him on the Landstrasse (highway-tr) towards Basel, hit him from behing with the murder weapon, a thick stick taken for the purpose, twice heavily on the head so that the stick broke, hit Baruch with the remain some more and then with a knife taken from a pocket mistreated him some more until ha apparently lay dead on the ground, cut off the moneybelt & fled therewith. The dying man was found and vaily treated and died

on the third day covered with 35 wounds that were found because of their

29

severity to be either debilitating or lethal. His Royal Highness the Grand Duke has confirmed the verdict of the Obergericht, whereby the admitted Streetrobber and murderer is to be beheaded, and because of the gruesomeness of the crime the head be stuck upon a post. This death verdict was carried out

at Loerrach the 15th of the month.

In the civil registry of the jews of 24 March 1816 is entered: Baruch Kahn.

He was from Bissingen and died as a result of a cruel misstreatment , was autopsied 26 March 1816 and taken to IxDerrach for burial. The deceased was 53. Witnesses: Herz Block-Mock, Shulz, and Marx Braunschweig-Wolf .

E. Kaiser reports in his autobiography that the last person executed in Oberamt Roetteln had been a jew from Kirchen.

In the history of the jewish congregation fo Kirchen this, however, re- mained the first and last serious crime that I came across in my research.

The immigration tnedency remains 1820 - 1847 as already described. The immigration from Switzerland ebbs totally, whereas that fron Alsace continued and that from jewish congregation in Baden grows. So above all from Maerkt, Kippenheim, Rust, Emmendingen, Schmieheim, Adelsheim, Breisach & Eichstetten. Those from Alsace are from Hegenheim, Hagenthal, Duermenach, etc. Amont the 30 reviewed immigrants in thsi time period 19 came to Kirchen to marry, 63 %. Only 11 come to Kirchen b ecause they see better opportunity for trading or earnings or other family reason, i.e. came with families. 69% of the immigrants are under 30.

Another result of the 9th const. edict was the requirement that jewish children are now required to attend the local schools for jewish children where they learn reading, writing, arithmetic, morality and write compositions. . .also Geography, history where that is taught. But in judaism there was always instruction. In the 5th Book of Moses 6.6-7says: " And these words, that I give you today, shall be written in your heart, and shall teach them to your children, and you shall speak of them when you sit in your house and when you walk on the road, when you lie down and when you arise" .

Already in earliest youth began the instruction of boys & girls who first of all had to learn the written teachings (Thora & Talmud), by the latter (i.e. girls) at least enough so that they could read hebrew prayers and the womens books printed in hebrew letters in yiddish (or judeo-german? -tr.note)

Reliqous education was first in parents hands, then to a young man, often a

rabbinical student, who was hired by the congrgegation or a few families.

Bochur, or the congregational rabbi himself taught.

The general & widespread aversion against attendance of the Christian schools was not so much against the learning to be gottem there as against the spirit

31

©vangGlic parsons officG and protsstsd; 'that th© j©wish schoolchildr©n hav© as r©ad©r th© prot©stant catechism and probably also have to listen to

Christian religous instruction and learn it ' . he energetically demanded abrogation of this illegality/ but left the evangelic authority (Pfarramt) the choice of a reader and requested that 'the new reader to be introduced not

carry principally Christian teachings'. The Kirchen school authority/ altho 10 years later/ decided that ' the isr. students be given the biblical History of teh Old Testament' by Hebei/ in agreement with the synagogue elders.

How sharply and consequently otherwise the exsiting laws 7 decrees were applied is shown by a case from the town archives Kirchen-Ef ringen VI. I. 20: Regulations re the cantors/ etc. 1821-1851 : On 20 August 1821 the cantor of the jews in Kirchen /Abraham Schwab from Kronweissenburg/Bavaria/ the order "with his family to leave Kirchen and return to his home"/ since on 29 June 1821 a regulation was promulgated requiring all foreign cantors to leave Baden". The Kirchen synagogue was ordered 'to fill the vacant cantor's post within four

weeks with a suitable domestic subject'.

Jewish religous instruction/ given outside school hours / included: Thora trans lation/ hebrew language/ hebrew penmanship/ hebr. reading and learning the bene- dictions. In larger jewish congregations of the cities / but for example also in Sulzburg/ in 1795 a jewish 'Konfessionsschule' (denominational school-tr) was established/ at which since 1804 the son of the Landesrabbiner Isak Kahn/

Leopold Kahn/ taught as a teacher employed by the state.

P.41 Moses Nordmann/ 1809-1884/ Religion teacher at Kirchen 1834/ later Rabbi at Hegenheim/ Alsace & Basel.

Until 1834 Moses Nordmann taught in Kirchen as house-teacher; he would later become rabbi at Hegenheim/Alsace (b.20 Sept. 1809 - d.20 April 1884/(162). Unfortunately there is no dociamentation on his activities at Kirchen. So it is not known at which family he taught. He belonged to a new generation of theology. Nordmann no longer studied only at the Talmud schools but also at the universities at Nancy/ Wuerzburg & Heidelberg where was confronted with the new thought of his time (i.e. Abraham Geiger at heidelberg). On 15 September 1834 he was elected rabbi of Hegenheim after dramatic election confrontations with his opposing orthodox candidate Cohn. He experienced the highest flowering and the downfall of his congregation. Quite a number of reform were instituted by him. He founded a society for furthering of agriculture and reform school instruction. But against the orthodox convictions of his alsatian Landgemeinde he could not always prevail. Constant clashes with his orthodox colleagues took so much of his strength that he was imable to spread his ideas much further.

Ancient and highly honored in the jewish congregations the honorary office of

Pamas .

30

and methods of these trivial schools, that were to prepare 'the city dweller or the country person in all knowledge needed for his lifetime occupation as

Christian and citizen, however without really giving him the chance to mentally develop himself because he might then nejglect his trade or even dislike it." Compulsory school attendance began at age 7 and with girls ended at 13, and boys at 14 years of age. The school supervision was by the local parson, the first instance of supervision, and a church elder.

After 13 Janury 1809 the Jewish children had to attend these schools, even tho free of Christian religous instruction, but in all subjects excepting arithmetic, the subject of reading books, language instruction so woven thru with Christianity

that not requiring attendance from Christian instruction in today's meaning is unthinkable. Compositions were written of biblical stories, reading was almost exclusively biblical stories, and songs were from the hymnals.

An officially ordered religion course was established for the Jewish students. Even the contents thereof were ordered, it must stress " morality, love for fellow man, devotion to the state and civil order after the clear basis

from Moses and the Prophets so that they will be as amiable as when the

nation still formed a state."

1809 the first teacher known to us Jewish teacher. Samuel Ruf ftom Blotzheim/ Alsace( 177.0) taught here until 1820. The isr. teachers in the small Landgemeinden were generally also cantors and frequently Schochets, i.e. butcher following the ritual slaughtering methods.

The task of these teachers went way beyond school-teaching. They were in a congre- gation without a rabbi the center of the spiritual & religous life. In worship they functioned as cantor Jsut as their advice was sought in difficult questions, for the rabbi of the district sat at Sulzburg and came at most twice a year for testing religous instruction of teh children.

The school attendance of the Jewish children in Kirchen of the evangelical town school left much to be desired after the 9th const. edict.

In March 1813 the following decision re compulsory school attendance was sent the parson and mayor at Kirchen: Without differentiation all Jewish children

shall and msut attend the Christian school irregardless any conditions that do

not concern religous instruction. A list of all children of school age must be given to the schoolmaster by the mayor every easter (trad. beg. of school year— tr. note The iewish schoolmaster has to give an attest re his abilities within 14 days.

How little of the liberal spirit of the 9th. const. edict entered the consciousness

)

of the administration is shown by the following situation that was found by the district rabbi during exams at the religous school in Kirchen 13 Oct. 1836,

27 years after the edict went into effect. Rabbi Dreifuss writes to the

31

0vang6lic parsons offics and protsstsd: 'that ths j swish schoolchildrsn l^vs as rsadsr ths protsstant catschism and probably also havs to listsn to Christian rsligous instruction and Isam it', hs snsrgotically dsmandsd abrogation of this illegality ^ but left the evangelic authority (Pfarramt) the choice of a reader and requested that 'the new reader to be introduced not carry principally Christian teachings'. The Kirchen school authority, altho 10 years later, decided that ' the isr. students be given the biblical History of teh Old Testament' by Hebei, in agreement with the synagogue elders.

How sharply and consequently otherwise the exsiting laws 7 decrees were applied is shown by a case from the town archives Kirchen-Ef ringen VI. I. 20: Regulations re the cantors, etc. 1821-1851 : On 20 August 1821 the cantor of the jews in Kirchen, Abraham Schwab from Kronweissenburg/Bavaria, the order with his family to leave Kirchen and return to his home", since on 29 June 1821 a regulation was promulgated requiring all foreign cantors to leave Baden . The Kirchen synagogue was ordered 'to fill the vacant cantor s post within four weeks with a suitable domestic subject'.

Jewish religous instruction, given outside school hours, included: Thora trans- lation, hebrew language, hebrew penmanship, hebr. reading and learning the bene- dictions. In larger jewish congregations of the cities, but for example also in Salzburg, in 1795 a jewish 'Konfessionsschule' (denominational school-tr) was established, at which since 1804 the son of the Landesrabbiner Isak Kahn,

Leopold Kahn, taught as a teacher ^ployed by the state.

P.41 Moses Nordmann, 1809—1884, Religion teacher at Kirchen 1834, later Rabbi at Hegenheim/ Alsace S. Basel.

Until 1834 Moses Nordmann taught in Kirchen as house-teacher; he would later

become rabbi at Hegenheim/ Alsace (b.20 Sept. 1809 - d.20 April 1884,(162).

Unfortunately there is no documentation on his activities at Kirchen. So it is

not known at which family he taught. He belonged to a new generation of theology.

Nordmann no longer studied only at the Talmud schools but also at the universities

at Nancy, Wuerzburg & Heidelberg where was confronted with the new thought of

his time (i.e. Abraham Geiger at heidelberg). On 15 September 1834 he was elected

rabbi of Hegenheim after dramatic election confrontations with his opposing

orthodox candidate Cohn. He experienced the highest flowering and the downfall

of his congregation. Quite a number of reform were instituted by him. He founded

a society for furthering of agriculture and reform school instruction. But against

the orthodox convictions of his alsatian Ltndgemeinde he could not always

prevail. Constant clashes with his orthodox colleagues took so much of his

strength that he was unable to spread his ideas much further.

Ancient and highly honored in the jewish congregations the honorary office of

Pamas .

32

Again and again it is translated as 'Vorstand' or 'Vorsteher ' (head of., tr). Basically it has another meaning. It originally means the activity of caring and noiirishing and not primarily that of administration or presiding. In the smaller Landgemeinden that form ed themselves until 1809 without state regu- lation quite freely, this high office was mostly given the economically and socially stable member of the congregation, who generally was considered the least influenced by varying opinions. The first head of the congregation known to us is Herz Bloch-Mock (22.0) who also was titled 'Vorsteher' or 'Judenschulz".

In the 9th const. edict his office was delineated: "Each town synagogue has ... an elder of the comm\anity, named of the most 'gebildet' ) educated, cultured-tr) citizens ...and approved by the administration". He was responsible for ...the 'church' conduct, for the fulfilling the orders from the authority . Already 1816 the above-mentioned Herz Bloch-Mock is named as the 'former Schulz'.

After 1833 two synagoge councillors stood at his side. This group was called 'Synagogenrat' (synagogue council or board-tr) and depending on the size of the congregation consisted of 3 - 7 members by the members of the congregation entitled to vote by a simple majority. These electees were affirmed by the Bezirksamt.

After consultation with the district synagogue and the Bezirksamt one of them would be named 'Vorsteher'. The term of ofifce was 6 years. Every three years half the council had to be replaced by a new election. With Menge Bloch in 1835 the first such Synagogenrat was named for Kirchen. 1841 it was Elias Bloch and the two councillors were Joseph Olesheimer S, Menge Bloch.

The election rules were as follows; Entitled to vote are those men at least 25 years old, membersa of the isr.religous community of the Grand Duchy Baden, who are for at least a year inhabitants of the community and had appropriate church taxes to the congregation for the previous year. Excluded are: 1) incapa- cititated, 2) who receive support from public poor funds, 3) who have no direct household nor pay direct state taxes .... 8 ) during a bancruptcy case, 9) who are more than a year in arrears with church taxes".

As happens so often in small groups these honorary offices were often placed in the service of personal seeking after might or for special interests. A good proof of that is in the still existing documents, letters, complaints, etc. of teh Kirchen jews vs. their Synagogenraethe & vice versa. For the s.rat elections every 3/6 years less and less candidates appeared. When it was managed to get some candidates of whom 2 or 3 would be elected, generally one or at

times both declined the election for business reasons.

P.43 Postcard showing the Gasthaus zum Rebstock. Both towers of the synagogue are clearly visible to the left of peak of the inn.

33

A further institution of the congregation, that specifically named aonly appears after 1892, but whose work: was de facto done by the S.rat of the period, was the appraisal commission. The means for it's reguirements had to provided within the congregation itself. The congr. had to partially pay the religion teacher, build a synagogue, support the poor, etc. The total sum of these needs was now apportioned among the membership of teh congregation. The " order for the taxation for the religous requirements of the individual isr.

congregations and the district synagogue' of 26 May 1826 laid down the means and procedure for the election of the appraisers. They had to review the self- appraisals of the individual members. L.D.Kahn in his 'History of the Jews of Salzburg' lists the items that were included in appraisals. Among them were all items beyond the direct perosnal needs, i.e. due bills & goods held for sale. Not included was the own house (residence) and the needed wheeled equipment. Each bridegroom had to pay 2% of his and 2% of his bride's estate.

With this practice there were often protests over too high appraisals by the S.Rat. But here too: Compared with the enormous difficulties such an appraisal system engendered the protests and complaints must be considered minimal. It is much easier to accept the taxation of a 'higher authority' than the appraisal for the congregation by friends & relatives.

We find the first mention of a prayer room of the Kirchen jews in a petition to the margrave for support in building a new synagogue, dated 11 March 1789.

There writes Moses Samuel: " The local Jewry cosnsiting of 9 households had up to now had met for theri coirmon worship at the house of the Schutzjude July Bloch but since easter he no longer can or will give up this room because he needs it for himself; another place to hold worship is not to be found here, and to buy any building or to build one, the poor Jewry only two to three are well

off, is not well off enough. We cannot be deprive.- a place to assemble."

The Kirchen jews therefor request via the Loerrach Oberamt the Margrave for finacial aid for the acquisition of such a building, as he already has done in the Unterland. The congregation could perhaps offer a suitable plot. 700 fl. is the estimate for such a building.

The Oberamt agrees to this plan if the Jewry fo Kirchen communally assumes

liability for capital & interest.

The documents are quiet over the realisation fo the undertaking for now. But on t, 1^2'^ UO.--T pi/TT'Vi t-><o Pamap nf Ki rchpn iewrv, writes to the Oberamt

Loerrach, to again stop new plans for a new synagogue since (1795) the new synagogue was built"

"only 28 years ago

Even if not large enough

she is still large enought

to contain the Jewry.

34

In a petition of the Loerrach jews of 31 October 1801 to the Margrave for the cession of a centrally located plot in Loerrach for a new synagogue, the Loerrach jews refer to the example of the congregation Kirchen which tho much smaller 'owns their own synagogue for some time'.

This 1795 built Betsaal apparently soon proved too small. As already reported efforts were made already 1822 or 1823 to enlarge the existing synagogue or to plan a new one. The successor of Pamas Herz Blochs Hirsch Bigar> energetically fostered plans for a new building.

P.44 Plot-plan of the Synagogue (excerpt)

Herz Bloch was against this: "The present time is also not right for such an expensive undertaking. .. if the synagogue is too small it could cheaply, for perhaps 100 fl. be enlarged, which is always better than an unneccary expense of over 2,000 fl." After inspection by the district architect a new and solid synagogue building is recommended since the 'old locality' really is too small and enlarging the same would be difficult. On 12 August 1823 the 'Directorium des Pj-0yggmkreises ' (director of the Dreisam district — tr.— Dreisam is a river near Freiburg, to the nor th-tr .note. ) authorised planning for 1) enlargement , 2 ) new construction.

Only 1828 does planning for new construction mature. On 2 Febr.1828 Pamas Hirsch Bigar petitions the Bezirksamt to plan the synagogue in conjunction with a school building and a teachers apartment. In June 1828 a new petition reads;

"The isr .congregation Kirchen opines that a solid building be erected, so that this building remains roomy enough for children & childrens children.

In order to come up with 1,100 fl.the congregation proposes a collection among the jewish congregations of the land. The reason given therefor was the poor economic situation in the own congregation. 1/3 are well off, 2/3 if not really poor still needy, so that they could spare little or nothing. The total cost of teh building was figured at 3,100 fl. The Directorium of the Dreysamkreis rejects the submitted design for a new synagogue, schoolhouse & teacher's quarters as beyond the finacial capacity of the isr .congregaiton.

The Bezirksamt is given the task to work out a less expensive plan that is more in accordance with the ability of the congregation.

P.45 - The new plan (see illus.) show a building that in it's exterior hardly differs from a stately house, and was similar to the Rabbi's house as planned for Duesseldorf.

The jewish congregation rejected this design with the reasoning that the savings

' the appearance of this churchly building would suffer The reference

to the 'churchly' example can be understood to mean that the synagogue

4

should havG thG samG sacrod and roprosentative charactGr as a church. On 7 Oct. 1828 the new plan for synagogue with additional buildings is estimated at 4,694.29 fl.. The synagogue is te be 12.10 m x 8.60 m. The project is sent for estimates to 50 builders. The winner was master carpenter Fingerlin at 4,656 fl.

Already 23 July 1829 Pamas Hirsch Bigar remarks that the new synagogue should be bigger than planned. He suggests a lengthening of 3-4 feet towards the momingside because then many more places could be won.

"Since we alreay spend a great deal on this building we would do better to sacrifice more in order to see this building built to our wishes".

The provincial rabbinate Salzburg, under Rabbi Abraham Weil, on 16 July 1829 refers to the Jewish religous law that is to be observed by the construction of a mikveh. According to this opinion israelites may not sulxnerge in bath the water of which is brought with a pump into a single tub. The tube must be built of several stones, and the water to fill it must flow into it directly from the earth.

The plans for the mikveh therefor had to be altered.

P.46 Plan fo the Synagogue l)Syn. entry 2) Kitchen w. pump

3) Stairs to Worn. loft 4) Bedroom 5)Livingroom 6) Stairs to Apt.

7 ) Abort ( outhouse ) 8 ) empty

9 ) Corpse Washroom 1 0 ) Mikveh

11 )Archive, Assembly & Schoolroom

The Haltinger builder Fingerlin has dififculties with the complex. So on 23 Dec. 1830 he is threatened with the contract-penalty if the new building is not completed within four weeks.

Time was of teh essence, for on 25 Febr.1831 the building was to be dedicated, at 1 PM, by rabbi Abraham Weil, for it's intended use.

Already 1846 & 1860 serious damages and faults appeared. The isr. teacher Lazarus Mannheim complained to the Bezirksamt against the Synagogenrat of Kirchen that his ehalth was impaired living in the teacher's apartment due to defective windows. After Mannheim died 1863 his successor Israel Schorsch continues his complaints in 1864.

In 1871 the congregation thinks of selling the old synagogue of 1795, that

had meanwhile become the poorhouse. The district rabbi of Sulzburg replied to

the congregation in a letter in german, but written in cursive hebrew letters.

P.47 The former synagogue of Kirchen with the Schoolhouse, Mikveh and the teachers apartment.

" Sulburg, 20 Elul 5631 = b Sept.ib/i

To the Sinagogenrat Kirchen!

In reply to your letter of 14 Elul the sale of the old synagogue can be done under the observance of certain formalities. However since this building has for

36

many years been used as poorhouse it's sale offers no problems. The receipts therefor may be used for the purchase of another building for the same purpose.

The poor have priority in the use of the building already, and cannot be denied them without providing replacement therefor. Since orphans and a widow also live in that house, it's sale becomes more questionable. We must observe the warning and threat in our holy scriptures 1 Moses 27 verse 21-23: You shall not trouble widows and orphans. If you trouble them they will cry out to me and I will hear their cry... etc — .

Also it is not advisable to totally relie on the political congregation, and the performance might be sparse. In addition the affluence of the jews has with G'd's help increased substantially, in which I wish that the Eternal always helps you. Therefor the congregation is in a position to pay off it's remaining debts without withdrawing the roof from over the heads of the poor. Therefor it'll be best to discuss it with the political congregation. Also of importance is that the furnishings remain property fo the jews and that the polit. congregation make no demands thereon.

Menachem Dreyfuss"

P.48 Letter in hebrew cursive writing of the Bezirkxabbiner.

Next to the just described synagogue building stood the school building with 2 calssrooms. In the upper story was the teacher's apartment and in the cellar the Mikveh.

Architecture and Style of the Synagogue.

The synagogue consists of a longish building with galleries on three sides and a niche in the eastern wall under an egyptian 'Aedikula' (?-tr). On the west facade are two low towers that are somewhat higher than the porch. These towers are topped by a low pyramidal roof. The porch opens to the west in a portal, the architrave of which is carried by two doric collumns.

The outer decorations as well as the proportions of the building remind one of egyptian motives, particularly the squat towers. The synagogue shows a mixture of different styles. Against egyption examples the windows are closed with roimdings, the stories are seperated by wide moldings- this too not found in egyptian architecture. In spite of going against style the effect was to mimic the large egyptian temples. Similar lay-outs to Kirchen and Karlsruhe can be found in the synagogue at Copenhagen built by Hetsch 1833. Here the two towers are slighty ahead of the wall but undoubtedly the same motif is intended as in Karlsruhe.

Conspicous on the synagogues of Karlsruhe & Kirchen were the two pylons flanking the westfacade. They point to egyptian models as shown in archeo-

logic publications.

More clearly is the egyprian influence that can be traced to the

tenpie in

37

Jerusalem. The synagogues in Eichstetten, 1829/30, Kirchen, 1831 , Altona 1832, Copenhagen 1833, S. Wuerzburg 1839/40, show not only close adherence to egyptian architecture-especially the eastern wall with the Holy Ark - but follow re-con- structions of the Temple of Salomon. The arks of the syangogues of Kirchen, Copenhagen & Wuerzbixrg consist of might structure.

Up four steps one reached the porch carried by two columns. Over the portal

was a hebrew inscription from Ps. 118.20 (see P.50):

This is the Gate of the Lord into which the righteous may enter,

built in the year 1831 (after the small calendar).

P.50 The synagogue proper of Kirchen, destroyed 9 Nov. 1938.

Like most of the ashkenazic synagogues built later that of Kirchen also had a

two-part womens gallery that, differing from the classic, was not fenced off.

The east side of all orthodox synagogues are toward Jerusalem, similar to the

old churches that were also built to face east; there taking up the full height

of teh synagogue, was the Holy Ark, aron ha kodesh, in which the Thora Scrolls

were stored. The outside trim of this Ark was dark-red marmorized wood, flanked

by two colummns. The curtain in front of the Ark, paroceht' was made of black

cloth, decorated above with the star of David, magen david, below two lions

hold a crown over a sign of the presence of G'd, the two hebrew letters j~i

The cantors lectern, called 'tewa or amud' and the 'almemor', the table for

reading the Thora, stood in front of the 'aron ha kodesh'. The eternal light,

ner tamid, derived from Ex. 27. 20 & Lev. 24. 2, hung in a fixture in front of the

Thora curtain. The two eight-branched candelabra (*), Chanukah candelabra,

that reminded on the sanctification of the temple of Judas Maccabeus, and whose

eight lights in the time of 8 days are lit, stood on the sides of the center

of teh main room. Their biblical basis is Ex. 25. 31-45 & I Kings 7.49.

((*) Tr. respectfully differs. The candelabra shown are the classic 7-armed.

The Chanukah candelabra is used only during the eight days of Chanukah) .

P.49 - Aerial view of Kirchen - 1932, Small fig. on right shows

synagogue in circle.

The walls, ceiling and the floor were entirely undecorated. Only with geometric ornaments, but not showing humans of animals, could these areas be decorated.

In front of the seats were box-like containers in which the prayerbooks and otehr ritual objects, like Tallit, Tefillin, etc. were kept.

To the three daily prayers on holidays/festivals after the morning prayer sn additional prayer was added (musaf). The sexton (Schamasch) knocked on the wooden shutters with his wooden hammer or doors to call the congregation to worship.

In this he was also called 'Schulklopfer' (school knocker-tr). In some congregations the death of a member was so notified.

The most festive moment of a sabbath or holiday was the taken from the Ark of

38

the Thora and puttin g them back. The Thora Scrolls themselves, were written by a 'sofer, a writer specially trained to observe specific rules, and are of parchment and rolled upon two wooden staves. In order not to touch the Scrolls by hand the reader uses a special pointer, a 'jad' (hand-tr) made of wood or a noble metal.

One of the Thora Scrolls was said to have been brought by the Domacher Bloch family when they immigrated to Kirchen 1736. On high holidays sermons (deroshot) were help in synagogue. On the two highest holidays, the great Atonement Day - jom kippur, and the Jewish New Year - rosh ha shannah - a man suitable capable blew the 'shofar', a horn made from the horn of a ram.

(Tr.Note: The architectural description was found to be especially difficult to translate; Tr .apologizes for the mistakes)

Special rules were amde for the worship service as well as the entering and

leaving of the synagogue. The oldest known to me was made 1866:

The Synagogue Rules (1866)

Staatsarchiv Freiburg 361/615 - The synagogue rules - 1840 - 1877 - The synagogue rules for the isr. congregation Kirchen, signed 6 Nov. 1866 by Harburger, pamas, Samuel Lieber les, Leopold Bloch, Herz Bloch.

"In order to establish proper dignity of worship and deportment we find ourselves occassioned to establish the following rules:

1. ) The time for worship to begin is set by the Synagogenrat.

2. ) Both immediately before and following worship, nor during same, may any functions take place either in the street or in the frontyard of the synagogue.

3. ) Entry as well as leaving the synagogue is to be in a dignified manner. Specifically conduct during worship shall be dignified.

4. ) Other than the cantor only those named as 'capable' shall lead the congre- gation in prayer on sabbath and festival days, as determined by the Sinagogenrat.

5. ) There shall be no overly loud paraying & singing with the cantor.

6. ) Chattering during worship is stricly prohibited.

7. ) During the time the Thora is removed and returned to the Holy Ark nobody may leave the synagogue, emergencies excepted.

8. ) Noone may leave his place until the last Kaddish is recited.

9. ) During prayer for his majesty, the emperor and his royal highness the Grand Duke all must rise from their seat.

10. ) Children under 4 years of age may not participate in piiblic worship; parents will be held responsible for the proper behavior of their children.

11. ) Violations of these rules will be punished by the Sinagogenrat with fines

in money, from 6 Kreutzer to 2 Gulden.

39

P.52 Interior of Synagogue at Loerrach, built 1809 In the neighboring j .congregation at Loerrach a synagogue rule was decreed that was much more drastic. Bloch reports on it's origination:

The differences and all the hate that collected and exploded show that in the j .congregation Loerrach no good spirit reigned. The documents tell of much fighting and quarrelling and neither the House of G'd nor worship services were respected, when the 'fighting cocks' exploded. Typical for the then athmos- phere is a fight that occurred 19 December 1851 at morning prayer, between Abraham Wilstaetter & Lazarus Weil because of the recitation of the Kaddish, and the dramatic course of which we will follow from documents of the Bezirks- amt: A. Wilstaetter before the sinagogenrat : ' On the 19th instant I left my place in the synagogue in order to recite kaddish for my recently deceased mother. As Im went to the Holy Ark, where the prayer is recited, I asked Lazarus Weilif he got fatter from reciting the prayer that was rightfully my place to do. On this he replied, it's not worth the effort to answer me as a 'Vollzapf ' (local colloq.- means full of...-tr), and attacked me with hsi chair without my resisting him.

In this attack he was helped by his brother Benjamin and Nathan Domacher, threw me on the floor, tore my tefillin and tallis. Witnesses: Bernhard Nordmann & Nathan Reut linger.

Deposition of Benjamin & Lazarus Weil:

A. Wilstaetter left his placebefore the proper prayer could be recited, came to our place, called us thief because I recited the named prayer, to which he claims right but which I doubt. I told him to go from our places and suggested to fight it out outside the synagogue, he didn't leave after repeated requests.

I then moved my chair to the side in order to show him, A.W. , on the basis of a list showing those entitled to recite the prayer, that I was entitled to recite that prayer for my mother. Moving the chair may have slightly bumped against him. In any case he hit me on the eye with his his hand. In order to prevent further maltreatment may brother came to my assistance. Because of this the chair may have fallen over and with it A.W. because he was drunk. Witnesses: Gessau Blum & Nathan Domacher.

I won't mention the shameful impression this sort of scandal must have made to the Bezirksamt. What's bad is that the authorities have to be annoyed with this sort of fights, so that the Oberamtmann felt compelled to write to the Bezirksrabbiner :

29 Dec. 1851. In recent time several disturbances occurred during worship in the local synagogue, generally over jealousy over the right to lead prayer.

We are often overrun daily with such complaints. When these disagreements concern only the interior rite as such we do not feel justified nor obliged to act.

40

But when such a scandal erupts into fisticuffs or damages the public peace and quiet and order we must, aside from the particular appllicable laws, from the point of view of public order take strict actions. We have already asked several isr .congregation members quietly and peacefully to refrain from such acts but in vain. We are tired of this matter and will proceed with all means. But before this we shall try to tread the way of kindness and forward to you these documents that concern the mildest act, so that you take the proper measures within your competence, generally as well as in the present case.

After proper rules are in place, which shall include the publication of this letter, we request return of the documents and reserve further action. s/Bezirksamt , Winter.

P.53 Gasthaus zur Linde, 'Judenwirtschaft' (jews inn-tr) until turn of century

P.54 Jakob Bloch, high on a horse

The Jewish congregation of Kirchen until it's end belonged to the conservativ, traditionally religous, orthodox congregations. Liberalism could only spread in the city congregations in Baden by the end of the century. The smaller, therefor homogenous, traditional Landgemeinden were and remained orthodox, in spite of all reform suggestions of the Oberrat (der Israeliten-tr ) in Karlsruhe. (TR.Note: The above is quite true as I remember it, but we did consider us 'liberal', and not 'orthodox' - thos in practice quite orthodox)

Daily life went on according to the strict ritual rules. To these 'Way Signs' that I wish to name the daily religous requirements of a religous jew, the daily prayers, other matters had to be observed such as keeping apart clean and unclean in the dietary laws and in contact with people S. animals.

Many family fathers travelled as ' Handelsmaenner ' (traders-tr) in the nearer or further vicinity with their wares and their cattle. It cannot have been easy for these since they were on the road several days, to eat kosher on these trips. There weren't many Jewish inns, so one had to cook for oneself. In Kirchen there was a 'Judenwirtschaft 'Zur Linde' (Lindentree— tr) . The first innkeeper was Samuel Lieberles (129.0). It remained as a jews inn until turn of the century.

The sabbath was and is the focal point of the life of a JEW. " It is required for the life of the individual jew in each week to not work a day...."

L.D.Kahn writes of the Sabbath as it was celebrated in Sulzburg, but which must apply equally to Kirchen (Tr.Note-and elswhere with local variations)

^ < 1 ^ T.Ti «

WAAW >

. . . . l;'£-Xa<iY tiVWlXliy waa a iia^^u j.cuuxj-7 rf.^wAA w*aw

workday was put aside with all it's troubles & hassles, one changed to a 'holiday person'. The big room in the house was festive, the pinefloor freshly scrubbed and sprinkled with sand that it squeaked. The tile stove gave off comfortable heat in winter.

41

The festive meal, following the various blessings, consisted in most Jewish families of noodlesoup, cold & sharp fish (sabbath as foretaste of messianic time, that begins when Leviathan, king of the fish is killed), soupneat with side dishes, punch & cake... .in this world of yesterday friday evening and sabbath were properly celebrated.

The 'Jew Laws' after 1809

On 4 May 1812 the old constitutional edict of 1809 was supplemented by a new edict that newly regulated the ' Schutzbuerger ' status of the jews. Schutz- buergerrecht was now only available to one who had specific controllable assets or who makes his living with a properly learned occupation, who properly knew german and had learned reading, writing & arithmetic. Who supported himself by 'Nothandel' was excluded from all Schutz and other civil rights.

In those town where no jews had lived up to now they could only be allowed to settle with the consent of the community. Here like in the old Jewish settlements they were excluded from the community administration, say excluded from voting at local elections. The Grand Duke reserved to himself the right to give the 'Ortsbuergerrecht' (town citizenship-tr)to particularly highly respected jews.

Of the const. edict of 1809 that tried to provide justice to jews in a number of serious problems was made a reactionary police law that would have well fitted into the 18th century. In April 1818 the new and long overdue

constitution literally had to be wrung from the ill Graind Dxoke Karl Ludwig Friedrich (1786-1818). The aroused nobility, the dissatisfied citizenry and the forward looking officials were the main actors of this 'coup d'etat from within'.

But the joy of the jews for the sought-after civil equality was too early. So it said: 'The civil rights of all Badener are equal in every way.... 'but in the next sentence followed: I . .where the constitution finds an exception namely & specifically.'

And it found. The idea of the Christian state flourished. The eligibilty of the delegates was limited to 'believers' of the three Christian confessions, who also had to be local citizen ( Ortsbuerger ) .

Until 1830 the Oberrat and the liberal marüsers of the 2nd. chamber tried for a change in par. 12 of the 'Gemeindeverfassing' (community const. -tr) that made jews into a class of 'state owned serfs'.

The old reaction , in spite of the liberal ideas of minister vonBoeckh (1777-1855) and von Winter (1778 - 1838), carried on and followed exactly the tenets set

aown Dy au vxtfxuia. me wao

versities to teach was limited by adhering both support & motor for the holy alliance.

a 3^^

to the Karlsbader decisions, and was At the Bundestag in Frankfurt the

delegate from Baden Friedrich v.Blittersdorf (1792-1861) in reply to questions

42

of the other governments advised that a jews law as given and practiced in Baden be warned against most strongly . The then interior minister of Baden V. Berlcheim in 1828 reported on his experience of the so-called liberal jew laws: The mild concern with which one proceeded under the edict of 1809 did not have the desired success. They have not become like the Christian population either morally nor intellectually by any means. The great majority of jews as before practiced their sharp practices and never considered themselves citizens. They rather felt themselves as a branch of the jewish people dispersed all over the world. Also they chose only such occupations that did not require physical work, i.e. tailor or shoemaker, etc. and those that combine with trading business such as butcher or soapmaker. Altogether jews are not capable for a serious naturalisation as long as they stuck to their own language, religion & nationality.

When in 1830 Leopold (1790-1852) followed his deceased stepbrother Ludwig I (1763-1830) to the throne of the Grand Duke of Baden a more liberal time seemed to come to Baden. On one part this was due to the personality of the new prince who was considered generous, friendly towards the common man, a friend of the constitution. His predecessor Ludwig I, contrasting, was sharp, distrustful, and a slave of his favorites and mistresses, and built a strong police state.

On the other hand the 1830 revolution at Paris affected Baden. In the second chamber the demands for freedom of the press became more and more stormy, and the discontinuance of the socage and tithe was demenaded. In this freer climate the the Oberrat d . Isr . renewed his requests for fyll equality of the jews both in the communities and state offices. But on 3 June 1838 the 2nd chamber decided by a plurality vote that a equality fo jewish inhabitants with the Christians, for full political rights could not yet take place. In the law " About the rights of the local citizen ( Gerne indebuerger) and the aquisition of citizenship" that removed the old differences between Schutz and other citizens the Israelites were excluded as the only part of the population. What an odd irony: The first conservative chamber was ready to remove this last hurdle of the jews to full emancipation, the most liberal of all Landtage (state parliament-tr ) that Baden had in it's historyrefused. This odd liberalism that established itself in Baden with the accession of Leopold, and particularly in the persons of Prof. C.v.Rotteck (1775-1868) & the church councillor (Kirchenrat) H.E.G. Paulus became an example of liberalism for Germany.

Welcker formulated the refusal of the jewish equalisation demands as follows: Christianity does more to shape than a religion to shape the proper direction of will on the earth, the proper basic principle or the life-force and

43

not the despotic & theocratic constitution, but that of the free 'Rechtsstaat' (state of laws-tr) , the precedence of the proven free belief of conscience or the free morality. (Tr.Note: Turgid language of the period). This is the effect of the rationalism of the 18th century that combined the moral freedom of the individual and the civil freedom of all with the theology of nationalistic Protestantism, and that sought the fusion of all life with Christian ideology.

This resulted in an apparently insoluble difference between Christian and Jewish nationality, that in a inquiry fo the 2. chamber to a still to be installed synod found it's expression. This inquiry contained the suggestion ^ that the jews of Baden were to abolish all the rules of rest & food, circumcision, and their 'national' tongue. Ten years after this the jews can be admitted fully into the fabric of the state without limitation, if then approved. The Oberrat declared in this decisive situation in superior fashion that with religous views no games can be played.

A petition signed by 1,315 jews of the whole country in 1846 demanded the full equalisation of all jews as well as the voiding of the still existing exceptions in community laws. On 21 August 1846 the 2.Baden chamber, newly elected, after six denials, voted the acceptance of the petition. However it didn't become law

for a long time.

Following the upswing of the early thirties conditions followed that were common ubder Ludwig. The old depressing athmosphere remained that would find expression in the unrests of 1848.

Situation in Kirchen:

1839 the application for Schutzbuergertum was denied to Abraham Moses: Since Abraham Moses follows a trade listed as Nothandel under par. 19 of the edict of 13 Jan. 1809, but Nothandel is not acceptable as a trade with which a family can be supported, that the applicant... not possess the lawfully required charac- teristics... therefor petition as Schutzbuerger is denied.

With similar reasonings acceptance of several persons was denied in the years 1841 7 later. How prepared jews of Kirchen were to participate in communal affairs is proven by the following letter, composed by the Synagogenrat and

addressed to the Goneinderat Kirchen:

The local Israelites are not required in case of a fire in this village

to assist in the dousing of same fire. They have always done this of free will, and yet were always ready to aid in this matter and spared no effort. Meanwhile we always felt that it woul:d be better when one is not roiced tw certain things and be unable to avoid it, then when done of free will. Our petition is to the Bezirksamt, to so delegate the local jews as the Christians

by the dousing of a fire but is not yet the case with the jews.

44

More openness and social engagement on the part of it's citizens can hardly be wished by any state or community of it's citizens. Nevertheless the most elementary civil right was repeatedly refused, in the community to be on a legal par with the Christian neighbors. As we now approach 1848 we touch an important epoch for the history of Baden and the jews. For Kirchen I wish to detail the situation of the Jewish population of Kirchen in 1848 and the immigration and emigration tendenciesof this period, until the events of 1848 affect the Judengemeinden of the Markgraeflerland. 1848 the j .congregation Kirchen had 147 souls; equal to 14.45% of the total population of 1,017. Of these 53.5% were men & 46.5% women. 59.5% of the J.congr.were under 30 years of age. Only 4.14% were over 60. Statistically the average family of Kirchen jews was of 4.77 heads. The occupational structure was as follows: 30% of all jews were in trade or commerce. 9.38% were 'private' or such without specific training for a trade or occupation. 2.34% worked as laborers. The children and school- children = 35.16%, the hosuewives = 16% of the Jewish population. Therefor 61% were not of the truly producing and working part of the population.

Between 1848 & 1864 18 persons immigrated. This immigration was not generally made attractive due to economic or occupational reasons. Already the high proportion of women (2/3) of all immigrants proves that this concerns people willing to marry. The areas from where these immigrants came reached from Endingen, Canton Aargau with 7, by way of the alsation congregations Hegenheim & Sierenz, from whence came 1 each, to the j .congregation in Baden: Sulzburg, Muellheim, Kippenheim, Ihringen, Breisach, Emmendingen, Altdorf, Friesenheim & Gailingen.

In this period 15 people emigrated per documentation.

The years 1848/49

Prehistory: In France a new revolution broke out Febr.1848 the removed the last remains of the so-called citizen-monarchy. The spark jumped over to Germany. Big things were involved: removal of press censorship, unified laws, the creation of a central german government run by elected representatives of the people.

This awakening was strengthened, under the colors black-red-gold, by a desire for a free constitution as well as a famine, the first in 30 years. The Baden administration tried to alleviate it by the production of so-called 'Mischbrot'

(mixed bread-tr), a mass baled of ground beets and other substances. But the hungry who even in better times were the underpriviledged cried after those responsible for the catastrophy, the owners. There were owners galore, but tne mignt of tne aristrocracy and the upper classes was too great, so they held them free of blame but went after those who were felt to have might but actually often had no more

than the underpriviledged, the jews.

45

So began the unrests in Baden of March 1848 with attacks against the jews. In Muellheim there were riots on 4/5 March 1848 against the Jewish congregation. The Freiburger Zeitung reported :... the jews aren't suitable for our enlightened times... so in Muellheim a wagon full of heavy stones was taken from one end

of the city to the other with which the front doors and the houses of the jews were bombarded. When a jew, frightened by the preparations asked a Christian neighbor with whom he was friendly what was going, he was told: Nothing much, they're only going to break the doors and windows, then they'll go again.

In neighboring alsation villages similar scenes took place. Infected the general revolutionary spirit of the time, beginning March 1848 the peasants of Upper Alsace vented their spleen against the jews. These fled in masses to

the Swiss border congregations.

In Norther Baden, particualrly the manors of the Odenwald, where the need was greatest, peasants plundered the Jewish settlements whose inhabitants were least able to defend themselves. Notes and mortgages were demended back, their property distributed, and not infreguently the houses set afire. The jews, to- gether with their actual opponents, the manor owners of the first chamber of the Baden government, the first victims of the revolution. So they were, if even to a sdmall degree, victims and adherents of the revolt. Two-facedness here and there in teh aims of the revolution: One face, that of the idealists, the educated and upper classes, was represented in the Paulskirche in Frankfurt. This group wanted to change the present, dark police state to a enlightened, economically and politically free future. Then the face of the 'volk', hemmed in by decress, laws, taxes and assessments, depressed by prejudice and superstition, and tortured by hunger and want.

What was the political view of the Jewish population?

It can be stated with assurance that -he jews as a totality were neither able nor willing to participate in political life during the 'Vormaerz' (early March-tr). It appears that before the 1848 revolution only a small proprtion had any interest in politics. This was due not only that they awaited their full anancipation - still - and the only slowly proceeding improvement in their

economic, social & spiritual structure.

As for the economic view as well as the intellectual view of the jews befoer 1848, it must be said that they largely held to the traditional ways of Jewish life. The question of emcincipation and the already, in certain circles begun reform of Judaism, found little appeal with the majority of the Jewish population. For that reason a miniscule number were prepared to aprticipate in political life. So they jews became divided in two directions:

a) The Orthodox who in the existing authoritarian state saw the expression of

46

a sensible set of laws, an unchangeable world order based equally on right and morality, for 'they don't defy, theyfeel the right, the wisdom, the morality of their fellow man, but above all the protection of the Highest.'

This majority of the orthodox jews viewed the fealty to the rulers from a religous view and the authority set up to be followed as a profane duty. b) Reform judaism had already distanced itself largely, but aside from the large congregations of Mannheim & Karlsruhe, remained a minority in Baden.

The theoretically & politically simplest resolution of this difference was also the most difficult: Total absorpiton in 'Deutschtum' ( German ism-tr ) .

But the will to abolish the Christian corporate state and administration was espoused by most politically active jews and became the basis between them and the german liberals. The jews seeking equality saw in the principles of the Christian & corporate state the main hindrance to full integration into german life, and therefor the thought of total equality & freedom was of primary impor- tance. We read of this combination in a letter of Leopold Zunz of 1833:" The cause of teh jews triumphs in the same measure and also in the same epoch as that of the general liberation".

Gabriel Riesser, the great fighter for jewish emancipation and advocate of teh german jews did not see judaism & germanism as opposing lifestyles.

According to him they should complement each other like father & mother in the life of a child. This view, that only considers the generally religous element, he propounded in a slogan that repeatedly appears in his writings: " A father in the heights, a mother we have, God, the father of all, our mother Germany".

The Situation of Jew-Laws 1848

Febr.1848 delegate L. Brentano (1813-1891) of the second chamber of the Baden parliament made a petition for " the immediate provision of jews into the full benefits of all civil rights". In the session of 2. March 1848 the second chamber decided, based on a report of delegate Welcker,to request the administration to explain "that a citizen of the state ( Staatsbuerger ) belonging to a particular religion be eliminated, and the parliaments be supplied with a proposed law".

The Grand Duke declared on 4 March that he would discuss the important and contemporary wishes with the chief of the Interior Ministry, Staatsrat Bekk, the president of the chamber, Mittermaier, and then make a satisfactory reply.

Under the press\ire of events it occurred on the same day , and the letter says : . . . ...The administration is ready to rpovide parliament with proposed laws in

. . 1-1 1 1 4- T 1 K^rr>V^Q nf rplimon...

cn© iriaiudueu -

...Highest Himself (his royal highness the Grand Duke) hopes that the second

chamber appreciating this, to continue in this upsetting time to quiet the populations demands so that the people, confident of his R. Highness and his

47

government, remember that under lawful order alone can liberty thrive, and will hold down any opposiiton. Herewith to light the way in this time will foster Baden's good fortune and allow it to reach it's greatest glory.

In the session of 16 March Staatsrat Bekk at the request of the State ministry gave the 2nd. chamber a proposed law with the following content: Art.l: The 1st art. fo par. 9 of the constitution receives the following structure: All citizens ( Staatsbuerger ) without regard to religion have the same right to all civil and military posts as well as church offices".

Art. 2: Par. 19 of the constitution receives the following construction: "The political rights of all religions are equal".

Art. 3: Par. 37.1 of the constitution is voided. This voided law read as follows:

"To be named delegate.... can be anyone belonging to one of the three Christian religions " .

This revision concerned only the 'staatsbuerger liehe' (state citizen-tr) rights but not the ' Gerne indebuergerli ehe ' (comm\anity citizen-tr) emancipation of the jews, since '... a law over the communal emancipation/equality needs careful thought and considerationof the individual interests of the commianities and their Christian inhabitants, if at least for the moment great injustices and injuries are to avoided, that could only increase the suspicion and the hatred against the Israelites and so worsen their situation instead of bettering it'. (Commission report of delegate Zittel). On 13 May the 2nd chamber passed the law with one contrary vote.

The first chamber voted only 14 to 4 for the new law. Domkapitular (canon-tr) V. Hirscher commented :... that a Christian people, without difference or concern for their religion shall trust the laws and the administration is unreasonable and goes against the innermost feelings against whom this is aimed, who on the basis of his Christianity feels himself higher, and so not to have the

lower jews or heathen as giver of laws and judges Nevertheless the cannission

does not speak against the new law because it is believed that in time this will come out. Because of this I had to mention the serious considerations and reservations re the new law.

As per the law of the Frankfurt National Assembly of the German People of 27 Dec. 1848, the new law of 17 Febr.1849 was passed opening the way for jews to the national representation (Volksvertretung). The State ministry decided to void par. 13 of the Gemeindeordnung (communal laws-tr) of 1831 that up to now excluded jews from the buergermaster and town council offices.

48

The Revolution Of 1848

"With deepest pain shared by all true friends of free people and the fatherland we receive news that the days which were to have released our people from the pressure of bondage of decades / even centuries, were to be desecrated by blind destructive mania and the endangerment of the persons and property of our fellow citizens of mosaic belief, that the glowing light of freedom shall be sullied because of shameful excesses. Fellow citizens! It is the holy duty of each honor- able man who doesn't play with the word liberty. •• .to go against such cruel beginnings. Only servants of the reaction or misled people will lend a hand to persecution of jews, that they never could in a free country, but certainly could under despotism" .

After these plain words of Hecker of 8 March 1848 one would actually assume that the jews of the congregations of Baden would volunteer enmasse to the citizen soldiers of Struve, Blind or the German Legion of Herwegh. None of the groups represented in the Baden Landtag had so plainly spoken for the jews. But when In Pnankfurt enough talking was done and nothing achieved, hecker in April 1848 went to the Seekreis and organized his volunteer troops (Freischaerler )with which he moved to the Markgraeflerland between 18 & 20 April, there was hardly a jew among them. The great majority of jews followed the striving for a united Germany, in which they too were to have the Ortsbuergerrecht,with good will, but at the smae time stood against a politics of force. Law and order remained the slogan during the revolution too. they joined the civic organizations and the militia ( Buergerwehr ) , and participated in actions in order to legally fight the discriminating laws. On the other hand messianic believers in the first months of 1848 to see a messianic manifestation, that the messianic age was at hand. Leopold Zunz opined that the worlds justice for the oppressors was at hand and the day of the Lord had come. " Not long, and Messias, for whom prayers were said for millenia, has appeared, and our fatherland is given us: But the Messia is freedom, our fatherland Germany."

This revolutionary messianism showed two results:!) Full legal acceptance of Judaism (as a religion or 'Konfession') and 2) conscious breaking away from tribal ties. Even as in over 22 places in Baden there were excesses against jews.

-a *1 rMn T nOCnTOTTlS •

P.61) Friedrich Rottra, 1821 - 1903 In Kirchen as in surrounding villages a militia the early March days. That this was not only to

(Buergerwehr) was formed in replace police and guarantee

49

Order and quiet is evident from the comments of it's captain, Freidrich Rottra. Rottra, who agreed with the ideas and aims fo March 1848, but didn't always agree with their execution during the revolutionary occurrences, was active among the volunteers in fighting against the military of Baden and Wuertemberg, as well as that of Prussia & Hessen, in the Markgraeflerland.

He wore his ' Buergerwehr— Kaeppe ' (militia cap— tr), a black oilcloth cap with carmine-red band below and a german cocarde in front, proudly, and when a peasant from Liel remarked he'd be happy when all militias were shot dead, he hit him in the face with a riding whip, never engaged in pointless politics. His militia was totally enthused by the March happenings and in another form of uprising would have been totally at one with the Baden military and the retention of the monarchy. This Buergerwehr counting 60 men had among it's members several jews of Kirchen: Daniel Levi, Veist Bigar (5.0), Marx Bloch (32.4), Lazarus Bloch (47.0)Lazarus Bigar (7.0)Veist Bloch, Bernhard Lieberles ( 130.0) Alexander Bloch (32.3), Herz Bloch (53.0).

P.62) Battle on the Scheideck near Kandem, 20 April 1848 After the battle at the Scheideck on 20 April, in which General von Gagem was shot by the militia, but the latter fled after being attacked by hessian troops, changed the enthuthiasm in Kirchen. Rottra spoke.... of the indifference that that reigns among the land population...., and did not consider partici- pation in Heckers corps advisable.

On 23 September 1848 Struve and his helpers recruited the militias of the villages of the Markgraef lerland . Rottra reported: "The other morning 200 men from Inzlingen and vicinity under 'General' Spehn marched into the village, ... he had the Kirchen militia assemble, ca.60 men, and named me captain. I thanked

him but did not accept the position".

The March went to Freiburg, but already on 24 Sept. found a bloody end at Staufen. But Rottra reported first: The leader of a squad in our platoon, an old soldier, but a jew, stopped at a bend of the road and commanded: right face, to Sulzburg! and with his whole troop ran to Sulzburg thru the woods. The following battle went terribly for the militia. Totally disorganized, and weakened by both the poor arms and the poor leadership, everyone who could fled as quickly as possible for home. About the fighting spirit of the Kirchen jews Rottra mentions nothing. In fact the jews were not particularly inspired with the aims of the revolution.

The jews who were distinguished in the revolution were of the more cultxired class or of the slowly forming proletariat of the large cities. In any case they were not from the majority of the jewish population, the small cities and

the Landgemeinden.

50

Teh retention of law & order, for which the few participating jews repeatedly called is typical of the deepest inner sensibility of this broad Jewish class. They were passively waiting the revolution's course.

P.63) Departure of the Republicans from Loerrach to the North.

Thus is the remark of jews to be understood: The jews have always and in all countries sought to achieve the long denied equality of rights. . .only through legal means and the sense of justice of the regimes and the princes, never and nowhere by means of force. The jews were always amongst the most loyal subjects of the Grand Duke and the fatherland.

A few orthodox congregaitons in Baden declared April 1848 that they would renounce all political rights in order to avoid unrest that could only endanger people and possessions.

Even tho the majority of the jews remained reserved towards the revolution but that did not mean that their position was due to religously conservative views of things. It is to be assumed that until the occurrences of March 1848 many jews hoped for a victory of freedoms. But as the hope for a victory passed and the reaction was succeeding, this hope succumbed noticeably, and end of 1848 and early 1849 became a purely spectators view of affairs. Generally one was prepared to forgo revolutionary hopes as economic difficulties and other reac- tionary repressions took hold.

What was now the reason for the loyalistic passive position of the Jewish Population? In addition to the desire for law & order, that was shared with most politicians, remained the fear of anti-jewish disorders with teh outbreak of the revolution. Particularly in the small Landgemeinden the revolutionary happenings were cheered by the local populace in the streets while the jews fearfully locked themselves in their houses. Also it was asumed that equality would produce a strong anti-jewish feeling in the country towns. This unfriendly position of the country people vs. the jews had it's basis in economic competition-thinking.

So the craftsmen and small business people were less concerned with the political emancipation of the jews than with competitive equality. With the worry about economic security an additional fear was reenforced that accompanied the revo- lution: The fear of communism, however one understood this. The first fear of communism appeared early June 1848 when news of the street fighting in Paris reached our land. It's peal came during the September fighting, and again in

1 P/IQ HnK-inrr ■f-ho 7-ioonl eat? roVv=11inn in Baden.

The fear of the expected reactionary aftermath of the revolution caused a progranmatic reaction of the Jewish population, which doubtless explains also why the protests of the jews were not more pronounced when the reaction caused the equalitisation of the jews to be cast in doubt.

51

This previously mentioned change of opinion is expressed in the local Kirchen circumstances particularly in the election results to the german parliament 1848 and the Landtag (Baden Parlmt.-tr) 1850. Teh complete lists of voters listing whom they voted for prove the aforementioned development.

The Election of 1848

After the march rebellion elctions were held for the 2nd. chamber of the Baden Landtag. Kirchen with 996 inhabitants had to choose 2 delegates. There were a total of 180 men who were older than 25, among them 25 jews, 13.9%, of the voters eligible. The portion of jews of the total population was 14.2 %.

Evaluation of Election Results

The voting of the jews of Kirchen hardly differs from that of all eligible voters. So Friedrich Rottra is elected 'Wahlmann' (delegate, elector-tr) just about equally by the Christians (42 %) and the jews (46 %) . Rottra, who can be considered a moderate republican, supported the goals of the 1848 revolution particularly in the matter of freedom of the press, the unification of all of Germany under the colors black-red-gold, the abolition of the police and gendarmerie regime of v.Blittersdorf . Of course he did not see his way in that chosen by Struve & Hecker. Judging by these election results and the political position of the voters, particuarly that of the voting jews, one can at least see a striving toward the main aims of the ongoing revolution and an aversion of the current policeand informer regime. Of course one may never forget that in towns of this size people were elected, with political aims secondary.

The elction of Johann Herter produced differing results. He was elected by a total of 16% of voters, but only 8% of the jews. If he as buergermeister from 1842-1845 lost the jews sympathy cannot be ascertained.

However the third-placed J.G. Mueller received 15% of the total vote, 20% of the jews. Mueller replaced Herter as Buergermeister until 1848. The he assumed Rottra 's post as Amtsschreiber (Town Clerk-tr).

The 1850 Election to the Landtag

F. Rottra and J.G. Mueller, favored by the jews still in 1848, received none of theri votes, whereas the then un-elected G.F. Schmidt now received 9 of the total 17 jews votes, roughly 53%. J.F. Schmutz who in 1848 received only 4% of the jewish vote now got 30% this election.

A plain reversal of the voters will is noticable after the failed revolution of 1848 and the reappearance of the reactionary forces in Baden at this election.

The Income Condition of the Kirchen Jews 1848 - 1850

A side result of this study of the voting documents is the insight given to the income situation of the jews 1848 - 1850. 1849 the 189taxpayers paid to the comnunity of Kirchen 1,775.47 fl.in taxes. That equals 9.55 fl. per man.

52

The 27 jews of the community altogether paid 167.08 fl. taxes, or 6.19 fl. per man. The jews paid 9.4% of the total community taxes, and comprised 14.5% of the population. At this time they were still not economically on a par with the rest of the population.

1850 the following holds true: the total tax income of the civil commu- nity Kirchen was 2,490 fl. (261 tax payers) = 9.54 fl. per head (this includes the taxpayers of the community Eimeldingen) . The 26 jews entitled to vote paid a total tax of 217.74 fl = 8.37 per man. Therefor the jews raised their taxable income over 26 % in two years.

The reason for this increase may be due to, for the Kirchen jews politically stable but reactionary situation of the Grand Duchy Baden, that fostered economic comfort.

The eligible voters of 1850 were divided in three groups that were again regrouped depending taxable income. The first group consisted of 22 voters with an average tax liability of 38.28 fl.per man. Among them was one jew whose tax was 21.16 fl. This is 4.5% of the total group.

In the second group are 64 votersaveraging 12.99 fl.tax liability. 9 jews were among these with an average tax of 12.9 fl. The jews were 14% of the group.

The third group consisted of the majority of eligible voters, 175 © 4.67 fl. per head, whereas the 16 jews among them paid 5.01 fl., 9.1% of the group.

The Unrests of 1849

Even tho Baden recognized the Frankfurt constitution on May 11,1849 the troops in the federal fortress of Rastatt mutinied. On 14 May the Grand Duke fled to Alsace, then to Mainz. Teh revolutionary committee seized power and was replaced on 1 June by the provisional administration under L. Brentano, A. Goegg, & F. Sigel. They were recognized withour disturbance and held elections for a constituional commission. The Grand Ducal administration from Mainz asked for help from the Reich authority in Frankfurt, and then directly from Prussia for military aid.

Ef ringen & Kirchen played entirely different roles by this people's uprising in Badne, that was more nearly a military revolt. Ef ringen was named as the principal seat of the rebels that practiced terrorism in the near vicinity.

There the irregulars met on the eve of the battle of Riedl ingen (24 June '49) against the approaching 'foreign' troops. In Ef ringen the members of the revo- lutionary parties met from all nearby towns and demanded that the loyal troops inin the revolutionary army. People like the teacher Duschilio openly espoused the peoples group and it's revolutionary goals, as did the engineer Fischer who had already fought 1848 and celebrated when it became known that the Prince of

Prussia habe been taken prisoner by the revolutionary army.

53

After the uprisings in the Markgraeflerland were guelled a grave-like still- ness reigned. The individual communities were now taxed according to their loyalty by Oberamtsmann Exter at Loerrach. Most of the communities in the Loerrach Bezirk (district-tr ) had been ill disposed and risen up, among them Loerrach, Steinen, Huesingen, Inzlingen, Weil, also Ef ringen. In the latter the first revolutionary 'Volksverein' was formed.

Kirchen was listed among the loyal communities because of hewing to the consti- tution. However this judgement is not totally comprehensible, since at this time men lived and acted there against whom prosecutions were instituted.

Parson Friedrich Heinrich Lammert, bom Mannheim, at Kirchen 1845 - 1851, openly asked for allegiance to the provisional regime and in the closing prayer didn't mention the Grand Duke but the prov. administration. Notary heinrich Rupp, who had already fled 1848, was among those. He actively participated at the Struve putsch, fled after it's overthrow to foreign parts, and 1851 was sentenced to 6 years prison in absentia.

On teh otehr hand there is also proof that Kirchen followed the good an loyal path. So in July 1849 the house of the former Sonnenwirt Buergin was encircled

by the militia because the second son of Buergin refused to join the provi- sional revolutionary army. The coomunity of Kirchen decided: In view of the great political importance of our time. .. .extraordinary means are needed to keep public order and safety.... We therefor ask that the citizens form a provisional militia. .. .in the belief that the citizens will do their civic duty without fail, under the following orders:

The Buergerwache (citizen watch-tr) is to consist of 90 people and each 15 constitute a watch that is to be on duty a night. This Buergerwache shall be militarily trained

This Buergerwehr, that also found the support of the jews, had among it's units the following jews: Veit Bloch, Suessmann Lieberles, Alexander Bloch, Bernhard Lieber les, Lazarus Bloch, Alexander Bloch, Herz Bloch,

Marx Bloch, Lazarus Bigar. The jews of Kirchen appear to have been more enthused with the constitutional government than to support Struve and Hecker in 1848. In fact here appears the fact that in the small Landge- meinden the jews preferred the illegal separation of the ciorrent regime thcin to realize a sudden change in their situation thru revolutionary mpans.

The decisions of the Frankfurt National Assembly, particularly the Reichs constitution concerning the civil - state & local - rights withount consideration of religion were recognized by Baden but generally disregarded.

54

On 29 August 1849 the rabbinate at Salzburg decreed: Re this years synagogue celebration of his royal highness' the Grand Duke's birthday, thanks are to be

given for his return by the grace of G'd and the restitution of the legal order in this country. (Tr.Note: I cannot translate the mellifousity of the german).

A really liberal era began in Baden vith Grand Duke Friedrich I (1856 - 1907) giving rise to the appellation 'liberal example country'. The law spon- sored by August Lamey (1816-1896) on 20 Jan. 1861 re the civil equality fo the israelites gave the jews of Baden full equality in all rights with all other

citizens after 53 years of experimantation with useless laws. Since 1862 no Landtag in Baden had to concern itself with the civil rights of jews.

Geheimrat Lamey argued at the final vote, which passed with only three against.

"A russian or some other foreigner is routinely accepted as citizen, and with all rights, including the right to common land. The jew is excluded only because of his religion, and that must be stopped. The troubles will return even if the

passage of the law is delayed."

However unrests broke out in the larger jewish ccxnmunities of Baden. In the 'Karlsruher Anzeiger' of 21 Febr.1862: In our Amtsbezirk (Loerrach) people are very upset against the emancipation of the jews. In Sulzburg this resulted in windows being bro' at jewish homes in the past nights. In order to prevent similar occvurrences v.ae Gendarmerie at Muellheim was ordered to Sulzburg for tonight. The people still don't feel the jews should be equal for the old reasons and is of the opinion they are to self -emancipate themselves morally first.

Such unfortunate demonstrations are to be expected.

The years about 1862 brought the highest population numbers of jews living in Baden in it's history. In the Markgraeflerland the development was somewhat different. The two largest congregations, Muellheim & sulzburg in 1864 had 422 resp. 412 jews, the highest number, and by the next census, 1875, are down by 79, resp.99 persons. Kirchen & Loerrach 's jewish population increased by 1873 frcxn 1864 from 174 to 192, resp. 191 to 248.

The reason for this somewhat odd development curve is to be found in the nearness of the city of Freiburg to Muellheim & Sulzburg, that only with the full ananci- pation really opened it's city gates to jews, and immediately became a heavy

drain on the Landjuden from there. The similary to Freiburg was Basel for the upper Markgraeflerland, but that only because of heavy intrervention by the jews fo southern Baden to the Grand Ducal administration, 1864, as the jews had gotten teh free right to settle, equally to rne tnj.et: uiu-iaticui vlciiwuij-iiulxonz, and cc somewhat later became a magnet to jews from Loerrach & Kirchen.

In 1864 only three jews emigrated from Kirchen to Basel, whereas from

1865 to 1899 18 did so.

55

In 1864 the population statistic for the Jewish congregation Kirchen was:

Of the 174 members 56 % were men, 44% women. 56% were under 30, 32% between 30

& 60, 12% over 60.

Occupationally there was change since 1848, in the greater number of business people or traders, from 27% (1848) to 37% (1864). Remainins almost constant was the percentage of those livng on private means (Privatier) or who made their living without actually having had any training. The number of school children went down from 35 % to 30%. But the number of non-producing and not working reamined at about 60% as in 1848.

Flight From The Land And Beginning Decline (1864 - 1932)

The time from 1862 to the mid 70s is often regarded as the second liberal era in Baden. The theoretical eguality of the jews was slowly coming into practice.

In this time the first jews were appointed to judgesships and as states attorneys. 1870 the Orientalist Gustav Weil was the first called to teach at a university in Baden. 1870 at Gailingen the first Jewish buergermeister, Leopold Guggenheim, was elected. 1868 Grand Duke Friedrich I appointed the Durlach attorney Moritz Ellstaetter to be finance minister of Baden, the highest office held to date by a german jew. Ellstaetter ' s reform of the government of Baden was to serve as an example for all of Germany. In this period four jews became members of the Baden Landtag. Naphtalie Naef for Freiburg, Elias Eller for Mannheim, Jakob Gutmann for Karlsruhe and R. Kusel. 1877-1880 Naef represented Loerrach in the Landtag.

Politically the development followed other paths after 1858, following the disappointing results of the 1848/49 revolution.

In Baden the pressure of the reaction had relaxed to such a point that the

liberals could talk to the government and work together constitutionally and

could hope for a moderate reform program. The large participation of the jews

in political life was particularly noticable in election campaigns and parliament.

An approxi,ate overview of the change in politics in Germany during the 'new era'

showa the following: Conservatives, Loyalists 14%

Moderate Liberals 50%

Democrats/Progressives 35%

Socialists 1%

The great majority of the german jews welcomed the new german Reich, and the national-liberal party solved their political dilemma. They could loyally support

- j 1. 1«. A «««>> <-» 1

rv> 1 1 4“ *1

DJL&iUCli.UA. o WJ-

They were egual citizens and voted with the german 'Buergertum' (citizenry-tr ) with new self confidence both liberal and nationally. Only a small minority warned of Bismarck's appjarent const i tut ionaily, who saw in the parties and parliaments

only tools for his political plans.

56

The majority of the jews held it a duty to partake with all strength in the creation of the new fatherland. This sense of duty could not always and as a matter of course agree to the predominance of Prussia in Germany. Particularly in the south and southwest the antipathy against the prussian hegemony was guite strong. Here in Baden, in addition to the particularistic antipathy towards Prussia the jews also had their special interests resulting from the varied status of the emancipation in north & south. Whereas the emancipation was an accomplished fact in Baden, in Prussia there was still discrimination towards jews in government and army. Therefor it is only too obvious why the jews were somewhat less than enthusiastic about the unity of the greater fatherland in view of religous considerations.

The conclusion of the franco-german war no doiabt influenced the political orientation of the jews in Baden greatly considering the nearness of war^?.re.

So opined 'der Israelit', the organ of the orthodox jews of southern Germany: Germany is reunited again... no longer Ify the ravens about the Kyffhaeuser, the emperor's throne... has become reality.

During the war district synagogue authorities ordered daily prayers for the victory of german weapons, as follows:

Prayers of Supplication during War: In view of the war broken out between Germany & France, the resulting in deprivation and hardship, danger to property & person, when Israel in time of deprivation and hardships pleads to G'd, and fo\and salvation, that other confessions too hold special prayers and I~' -el will not be found wanting, but rather to set a good example:

1) Every evening at 5, excepting friday and Saturday, as long as war goes on and one is not prevented by extraordinary circumstances, prayers will be held in synagogue, with reading of psalms aither on the basis of weekly or monthly schedule .

2) All adults must be present at these prayers and guietly and devoutly participate.

For the Synagogenrat: Reut linger, Hermann Levi.

The district synaggoue as ordered by the Oberrat on 31 July 1870 ordered an addition to the regular prayer for the Grand Duke on Saturday, that sought the blessings for german weapons. At the same time the Synagogenrat was requested that the members of the congregations be asked to be 'willing to sacrifice, to exercise true and daily love of one's neighbor, particularly tor tne sicx ana wounded, all in need & suffering. At the same time one is reminded to follow all orders of the government and it's representatives.'

On 17 March 1871 it was decided that on 22 March, the birthday of h.m

57

the Kaiser and King of Prussia a special peace festival was to be held by all the Israelites in the country with synagogue services, after the ending of same a collection was to be held to benefit the invalids.

On 19 March 1872 it was ordered that the Kaiser's birthday - 22 March - was to be regularly celebrated in synagogue.

On 29 April 1877 the silver jubilee of the Grand Duke's accession to the throne was celebrated festively.

The the great majority of the german jews the german Reich, the king of Prussia as emperor, the Reichstag, general voting right, freedom of conscience, equality, freedom of occupation and freedom of movement were now absolute achievements.

The persons symbolizing the new Reich, the patriarchal figure of Wilhelm I and 'given us fate' chancellor Bismarck, aside from all political utilitarian factors served as a human factor the the formation of Jewish opinion. The jews were now after a long vain wait in the great and mighty Reich, fully germans with heart and soul - wether Kaiser and Reich, wether might & glory, were now part of the beloved fatherland. That peaked in the expression: We german jews are germans and nothing else. The constant attemps to conceptualize the connection between germanism and Judaism finally led to the formation of the concept " German citizens of Jewish belief". It defines the compromise between their citizenship of Germany and their adherence to Judaism. However the gaining positive tendency to the new state Judaism became more hollow. On the basis of teh changed political situation one believed the desire of Jewish nationalism to be put off until messianic times. The number of those who no longer held to the traditional practices was growing. So a phrase became symptomatic for this development: The cultured jews are not just jews, but rather non-christians.

Many jews felt that their Judaism had become without content. The new values it was to fill were varying formulas of a secular cultural Protestant ism. So a syncretic monotheism arose whose only basis was " the one father of all, a love to all with no exception for those of toher beliefs" in place of the old testa- ment belief of revelation. Concepts like piety, mission, charity, that charac- teristically applied to all religous thinking of the 19th centxiry, replaced the precept of love from 3 Moses 19,18.

The messianic hope is now nothing more than the hope of the jews for integration in a perfecting humanity.

Because of the economic consequences of the won german-french war the influences of the culturally and industrially far advanced cities spread to the small Landgemeinden. In the cities were greater opportunities for education.

58

The youth of the Landgemeinden were most avid for higher education! There, in the large cities, was the possibility to advance economically and to do business on a larger scale. The hectic advancement of industry and commerce after the franco-german war brought many not only work and bread but also economic speculation, that in these founding years ( Gruender j ahre ) caused whole industries to break down. This caused a larger economic crisis, particularly in northern Germany. In this climate of economic depression grew the anti- semi tic movement, and won, starting from Berlin, much gromd in many genoan lands. The already believed dead anti-semitism no longer was directed against the Jewish religion. Too many jews became indifferent to their religion with the move to the big cities and their too rapidly advancing assimilation. A new characteristic of the anti-semitic movement that never found it's scientific justification was the inferiority of the Jewish race compared to the so-called arian race. The jews to whom this attack was directed remained indifferent. So one can ascribe the new hatred to the above-mentioned depression, the cultural fight of Bismarck, and the party-political maneuvres of the conservatives.

Most succinctly expressing the disappointment of of the german-patriotic jews was a flier against the anti-semitic remarks of Heinrich v. Treitschke. " As the barriers fell we believed prejudice had fallen too, when they could vote they believed that they were truly loved."

The semi-scientific remarks about the new racial theory were from people with big names: The orientalist Paul de Lagarde, the national-economist fiugen Duehring, the orientalist and diplomat Arthur de Gobineau, the hi s tor ianHe inrich V. Treitschke, and the Berlin court preacher Adolf Stoecker. The so highly and widely esteemed politician & scientist v. Treitschke explicated the nationalistic tendency to the national-liberal jews most clearly. Teh anti-sanitic wave had shaken up the jews but a spiritual awakening failed to appear. The shock paralyzed them and man y merely wished not to be seen and considered as jews. The anti-semitism pushed them back into the defensive position of the Jewish interests politics, from which they had made their way into german politics.

In Baden this anti-sonitic agitation was not accepted nearly as much as in Prussia and Saxony. Nevertheless no Israelites were amde officers in the army under prussian ccnmand and organized in the prussian manner since 1868.

In Kirchen and other Jewish ccminunities of the Oberland little was felt of this pseudo-scientific anti-semitism. The canment of Klinkenberg: "Anti-semitism T.rac7 noiroi- -(-Vio h<aaw rfroni nn of -hbf» rabbi (=». for alwavs at it's beoinnino were scientific constructions to enable the masses to define an enemy - us & them" is fully obvious here, Golo Mann wrote about this targeted Jewry: It was german in it's virtues, german in it's lack thereof, it was patriotic, it was largely conservative.

59

The jews were entered as witnesses for the birth of a Christian child in the registry, adn vice versa the Christian for a Jewish birth. Jews served in the same fire companies, sang in the same dinging clubs like the other men at Kirchen too. One did not live in separate quarters of town, but the Jewish homes were spread all over town. One knew each other, the strengths and weak- nesses of each. This aquantaince, intimate Inowlege of all was the best oppo- sition agaisnt however scientific ant i -semi t ism. Therefor there never was, until the 3rd decade of this century, any noteworthy anti-semitism. There was no speculative basis for it.

Golo Mann's characterisation of the german Jews may be summarized in a single phrase: they were willing to be assimilated. Until emancipation the entire life of the Jews was guided by the Synagogengemeinde, that had all the functions of a civil community, such as Jurisprudence, social services, etc.

With the full emancipation in 1862 religion became 'confession', the emancipated Jewish citizen lived at the same time in the Synagogengemeinde and the civil community.

This breach of identity & tradition brought with it an internal crisis of Jewry that could not have come at a worse time.

The self-emancipating Jewry did not find itself into another formed society because that itself was in a severe crisis, and where the breach into this society actually succeeded the arriviste found himself in a no longer functioning situation and itself had an identity crisis. In the ending 19th century Judaism was no only determined by it's own religion. The Jews in the Markgraeflerland, living in an almost totally protestant-liberal surroundings, saw many of their

cultic forms put in doubt. The Jewish as well as the Christian confessions were open to the upcoming critic of religion. So primarily in the mostly Protestant cities, and later in the Landgemeinden, Jews with time parted from the religous practices, and finally from their religion. The two large Christian chiarches had over the centuries of existing together accomodated themselves, and tolera- ted each other with specific spheres of influence. Now that a third, uninfluential confession denanded equal acceptance it was not given. "Acknowledged is not the Jew as Jew but only a pale abstraction of him, the human being in the Jew, as something that does not exist by itself."

And the Jews thonselves, even tho they knew that their welcome in this society was ony tolerated, in elections they tended to vote in the Reichstag

ana ijanai^ag exectiuiia Laciitü. oiiux— ötaiuLucö uiuc uw t/nc:

than free-thinking representatives of their emancipation even tho they might fear that their specific interest might suffer thereby. What odd political schizophrenia.

60

The Flight from the Land (Country - as in small towns)

The samll increase in the population of german jews between 1825 & 1925 was 67% under that of the general population, and was not stemmed due to the move of jews to cities or emigrating. The land-flight began with the emancipation. From the trader and cattle dealer they became merchants in the city, the inde- pendent entrpreneur. The youth, now free to attend universities, became doctors or lawyers. The reservoir of the jews of Baden, the Landgemeinde that heretofore had decreased only by emigration to foreign coiantries but generally made it up internally, now lost it's fianction. Whereas 1852 81% of all jews in Baden lived in Landgemeinden and only 19% in the city, by 1895 the percentages were 52 % resp.48%.

However the cities were not flooded with jews.

Cities grew apace, but at the same time the number of jews living therin grew less. Only a few cities were spared this development.

1900 Karlsruhe had 2,576 jews, 1905 only 2,460. 1900 Mulhouse (Alsace) had 2,466, 1905 only 2,428.

As long as the in-migration from the Landgemeinden continued the jewish congre- gations in the cities could retain their membership or even increase slightly.

Using the example of Kirchen: 1870 - 1899 the town had 984 births and

724 deaths, for a gain of 26.42%.

The j.congr. at this time had 152 births vs. 98 deaths, a 35.53 % gain.

This means that in this period the development of the j.congr. in Kirchen developed normally, in fact had a 9% surplus of births over the general popu- lation. Compared to other j. congregations in Baden it's age spread was quite normal. So in 1880 there were 160 jews in Kirchen. In the period 1870 - 1899 for the first time the number of emigrants exceeds that of the immigrants. In this period 84 people emigrated, whereas only 50 came in.

Basel was a real magnet for jews desiring to emigrate. All facilities were available for the furtherance of business and academic ambitions. Over 20% of the emigrants went to Basel and in time became swiss citizens. The nearby city of Loerrach with the flowering textile industry and a rapidly developing population drew the second highest number of Kirchen jews; 13% of the emigrants went there. Following is Enmendingen with 8 emigrants, Muellheim with 7, Konstanz with 5.

Alsace with 13 onigrants (+ 1 to Paris) follows Switzerland with 19 outside of Baden lands. 4 emigrated to toher german lands, only 1 to the USA. 46 moved to congregations in Baden.

68% left Kirchen because they sought better work and earnings opportunities, or were simply family members who just had to go along with these moves.

P.74 Marriage contract -Moses Olesheimer & Henriette Bachrach, Basel, 1893

61

Immigration

Between 1870 S, 1899 a total of 50 persons (still provably today) immigrated to Kirchen. About half & half were men & women.

The great proportion of 20-30 year old women in the immigrant group proves the marriage thesis as main reason for all jews coming to Kirchen.

88% moved to Kirchen to marry, and only 6 persons -12% - came for occupational reasons. Emmendingen with 8 supplied the most people and eguals the 8 that went to Emmendingen from Kirchen. 22 persons cam from congregations in Baden, 12 from Alsace, 5 from Switzerland, and only 2 from other german lands. Of 9 immigrants it was impossible to establish their origin.

Occupational Analysis

The main occupation of the Jewish inhabitants was trade (Handel) (Tr. note.

Handel may be interpreted as trading as in commodities, or commerce)

Before the turn of the century 6,488 persons= 9% of all people emplyed in commerce were jews. Of these 4,054 were independent or conducted businesses, i.e. managers; the largest part of the jews had a socially advantagous position and was therefor above the population average. Of the 6,488 commercially active persons 5,696 = 88% were dealing/trading in goods and products, 157=2.4% were in money & credit business, and brokers claimed 364 persons = 5.6%.

In the Landeskoirmissariatsbezirk (commission district-tr) Freiburg, of which Kirchen was a part, jews in the goods and products (produce-?) commerce can- prised 18.5%, in money & credit trade 3.2%, Handliongsvermittlung (brokerage, commercial travellers-tr ) 41.2%, & insurance 3.2%. In all Baden the participation of jews in commerce was as follows: Goods & products - 18.3%, money & Credit-15. 7%, Brokerage/sales - 37.8%, peddling - 8.2%, & insurance - 5.3%.

In Kirchen 1880 23.6 of all inhabitants were in goods & product trade, 0.66% in brokerage. Civil service (Army, administration, schools, universities, etc.) jews in the Freiburg district were at 2%; in Kirchen only 0.66%.

In Baden 3.66% of jews were in civil service. 1.97 % in Kirchen hade a trade or craft. The 'Nothandel' lost it's predominant position held for centuries and gave way to the independent entrepreneur & merchant, who easily could integrate into the rising middle class. Later, in Kirchen only after 1918, the congregations came into an economic depression because of the constant emigration and therefor the reduction in births and declined socially.

A further example for the healthy social position of the Jewish part of the

• ■ ^ • t_ — 1.^ i tv._ ^ . J i- 1. W i U. ww ^ i 1 ^ ^

the grand ducal Oberschulrat (Board of Education-tr ) . By a law of 1876 all confessional schools were dissolved and turned into general schools. A cosequence

of this was the peurticipation of the political carmunity (town) to pay some

62

of the costs of religous instruction if the number of a specific confession exceeded 20 pupils. The town was repeatedly told by the Oberschulamt to pay an annual sum of RM 160.00 to the israelitic religion teacher Weikersheimer .

1879 the town council refused this payment unanimously. And the payment ordered by the Bezirksamt was only complied with after attorney Beck of Freiburg saw that a lawsuit had no chan ce of success vs. the grand ducal Oberschulamt.

Isr. children in Kirchen schools; 1879 - 38/ 1883/4 - 33/ 1884/5 - 32/1885/6-36.

The isr. religion teacher needed the extra money/ since their pay was ca. 600 —

800 mark per annum (plus ca.400 M.for other services)/ while a regular teacher in a normal school (Volkschule) received 1/100 - 2/000 mark.p.a.+ dwelling.

The isr. religion teachers were always complaining that their salary was late or not paid at all. A whole fascicle of these complaints is to be found in the Staatsarchiv Freiburg.

1888 per law the taxation for the local ci.^ches and synagogues was changed.

Up until now the synagogue taxed on the basis of self-determination. Now the state took this over, even tho the isr .congregaiton protested after having used this means for centuries successfully.

1889 the districts and the seats of the Bezirksrabbiner were reorganized due to the large movement of the population. The Bezirkssynagoge Sulzburg/ together with Breisach was combined into the Bezirksrabbinat Freiburg. The Bezirksrabbiner y0j-0 reguired hereafter/ following the example of the Protestant deacons / to annjually visit every congregation in their district/ to keep track of congre— gastion statistics/ supervise the general & fiscal administration/ religous intruction and the Shechita.

1889 the Oberrat der Israeliten of baden surveyed the form of services hels at all synagogues. In Kirchen/ as in most Landgemeinden/ worship was conducted in the traditional manner. Only in the cities the partly germanized worship had appeared. The Praeger prayerbook (the latter worship/ germanized-tr ) considered the changes in the situation of the jews/ contained some abbreviations and changes of the old text. So portions concerning sacrifice/ return to Zion/ and teh belief in a personal Messias were deleted or changed. When thisappeared 1904/ resp.1906, it caused a storm of indignation among the orthodox Landgemeinden. The 'Verein zur Wahrung der Interessen des gesetzestreuen Judentum in Baden'

(The org.for the preservation of the interest of orthodox jewry-tr) blamed the Oberrat of religous indifference and accused it of favoring Reform udaism. Protests hailed form all sides. Five orthodox rabbis rejuected this prayerbook/ as did the/ becoming more influential/ Zionists.

63

But the outward situation of the jews was defined by the rabble-rousing anti Semites. At the election for the Reichstag as well as the Landtage 1879-1880 the middle class distances itself largely from Jewish candidates. Here the word was given out: "Don't elect jews!". In Baden, that in all Germany was the first to seat jews in the Landtag had not a single jew after 1879.

The german jews had great hopes for the administration of Friedrich III.

They publicly asked that all male children bom 1888 be named Friedrich. Over families followed this call. But Kaiser Friedrich reigned only 99 days, and sick ones at that.

His succession was feared by many jews. Symptomatic therefor is the Jewish reaction to the fall of Bismarck early 1890. Many were glad to see him go, but only lukewarm at that. His demission was a victory of Wilhelm II, whose plans were looked upon by jews with concern. The following exemplfies the divisiveness among the jews in this matter: "Certainly it was fortunate that Fuerst Bismarck was dismissed, but that fortune is the misfortune."

As defense against the constantly growing antisemitism in 1893 the 'Central- verein deutscher Staatsbuerger Juedischen Glaubens" - CV -(Central org.of german citizens of Jewish faith-tr), which was joined the same year by the 'Vereinigung Badischer Israeliten' (Org.of Baden israelites-tr ) .

Both groups sought the full assimilation of the jews into the german nation, while retaining their Jewish faith, egual to protestants, catholics, or other confession legally accepted in the Reich. Gabriel Riessers words: 'He who denies my gemran fatherland denies my right to think, to breathe the air. Therefor I must defend myself against him as against a murderer. ' expresses better than any explanation of principles, the strength of this expression in the german

language and culture, plainly a 'german'.

On 27 Sept. 1893 the program of the CV was established, that particularly in point 4 referred to the defense against the growing anti semitism. The Baden organization joined the CV as a local provincial group. As countermeasure to the partially assimilation-seeking CV, in the 80 's a movement began that in the 90 's formally became the Zionist movement. This and the CV are to be considered part of the üÄ-ge national movement towards organization of the 19th century.

64

Altho the Zionist movement was a welcome combatant with the CV against anti- semitism/ this collegiality soon changed. On 30 March 1913 the CV declared against ^the Posen decision of the german Zionists/ that decided that every Zionist must make emigration to Palestine a life's goal: 'We demand of our members not only the fulfilment of civic duties/ but german thought and application of this german thought in daily civil life. As far as the german Zionist seeks to secure a safe haven for the disenfranchised jews of the east/ or to raise the jews pride in their religion and history/ he is welcome as a member. Of the Zionist however/ who denies a german feeling of nationality/ feels himself a guest among a host people and nationally only feels as a jew/ from him we must part ' .

What is Zionism? Klinkenberg defines: 'Zionism is as much a break with the

jewish tradition as retention of tradition. '

Zionism came about because of anti-semitism/ and therefor the rush toward assimilation that was understood as a full self-denial of jewish values.

Zionism meant a huge politization of jewry. It developed in two different cultural areas at the same time/ In Galicia (Austria-Hungary-Russia) & Germany. When in 1896 Theodor Herzl published his program 'Der Judenstaat' he was unaware that already in 1882 a Odessa jew/ Jehuda Leib (Leon Pinsker )had published a

;^ork on the samme problem/ 'Autoemancipation'.

However Herzl managed to unify the various streams of Zionist coloration into a single organization for action. After the 1. Zionist World Congress/ Basel 29/30 August 1899/ Herzl discussed the main points of the Basel program with Kaiser Wilhelm II/ the turkish Sultan/ and the british colonial minister Chamberlain.

" To become actuality. . .for the jewish people a legally secure hcxne in Palestine .

The jews of Kirchen hadn't any idea of these world-shaking events that took place so nearby/ and that was to become a major world movement. They had other worries. Year after year more yoving people moved away. Less came to Kirchen from out of town/ and elss children were bom since the young people left. A definite shrinking process set in/ noticable in daily life. The j .congregation in 1873 with 192 persons reached it's zenith/ by 1895 it was only 138 people.

In these eventful years a meeting of south-Baden synagogue boards called into life a jewish burial society. They determined: If of the round 5/000 j. families in Baden ca. 4/000 family-fathers were to join this organization/ a contribution of 15 Kr. at each death cover all burial costs of the members,

lUiO LriiC OC41U Wi. .A. ^ WWW

r\^ 1 O t?^Vsw- 1 0*70

and pay ouz zo eciuxi wxuuw ux ux^^aiuio ouau w*. ^.^www w — -

during a congregational meeting in Kirchen 12 familymen declared their membership

in this burial society.

65

At the tum of the century the Kirchen congregation got smaller and older , but economically very successful. That is they became more affluent and equalled their other fellow citizens in income and property. The Kirchener had for many years owned land and houses, and like almost everyone in the village did some farming for theri own use, meanwhile following their activities as merchants & traders. In this time many Kirchen jews were bom in a Basel hospital, whereas most non- jews had their children at home. Also, the Kirchen jews could afford to ahve their illnesses treated & cured in Basel hospitals.

Many of the emigrants became affluent, rich & higly regarded. As examples, Leopld Bloch who moved to basel at this time (51.0)& David Lieberles (132.0), Salomon Bloch (54.2) who moved to Zurich, Dr. Samuel Moses to Loerrach and had his practice there, cigar manufacturer Marx Bloch (47.1) to Emmendingen. During WWI he received several delegations fro Kirchen and entertained them grandly.

He also started a foiandation for the construction of a festival hall. Veist Weil (189.4) who moved to Freiburgm and Hirsch Bigar, resident in Kirchen, both made large donations of money to the congregation. The previously mentioned Marx Bloch of Enmendingen left a warbond nominally worth RM 1,000 for teh p\urchase of their own funeral carriage. Others again, mostly second generation after emigration, became doctors like Dr. Alexander Bloch (52.4) at Balingen, later at Basel. Lawyers like Dr. Karl Erwin Bloch at Luzern, Rabbi Fritz Bloch, Landesrabbiner of Wuertemberg (47.6.1) or lawyer Nathan Moses (161.0) at Karlsruhe.

Even tho the jews had in the 40 years since the removal of the restrictive laws had become anancipated economically and educationally as well as somewhat assimilated, a latent anti-semitism remained even in the highest places.

P.78 Singinclub 'Rhenus' at singing festival at Emmendingen 1924. The club visited Marx Bloch (47.1) who had done much for Kirchen.

When during a revision of the Baden cosntitution in 1904 the 1st. chamber of the Landtag was enlarged, the Israelites used the opportunity to have a repre- sentative there like the Protestant and catholic churches, in this permanent assembly. This request of the jews could as per the state ministry 'not be granted under the present circumstances. '

What the 'present circvimstances ' were like is exemplified by the never ending discussion of ritual slaughtering of the jews. Initiated during the last quarter of the past century this question was presented 1898 a.o. as a petition of the Humane Society (Tierschutzverein). Even tho scientifically it had been nroven Iona aao that the jewish lawgiver, as expressed by the then Veter inaer- Regierungsrat Dr. Lydtin, that animals slaughtered rtially were definitely and totally killed and that there is no cruelty involved in the method in which jewish butchers are trained, yet 'cruelty and bloody-mindedness of the jews' supposedly was proven.

66

Strict rules / administered by the local police, controlled slaughtering in Kirchen too. The Kirchen cattle dealers had to slaughter their cattle in the local abbatoir, whose register of 1889 still exists. Israel Braunschweig had 10 beeves and 4 smaller animals slaughtered; Leopold Braunschweig follows with 8 small animals (calves, sheep, goats), whereas Goffhold Lieberless had 6 small animals slaughtered.

The years before WWI were marekd by a further shrinkage and over-aging of the congregation. 1905 Kirchen still had 86 Jewish inhabitants.

What was the position of the german and badonian jews in relation to german politics in the years before WWI? Politicians of many parties & groupings warned sternly of the up-coming war. Ludwig Frank, the Jewish lawyer bom at Nonnenweiher, member of the Landtag and the Reichstag, one of the brightest lights of the german social democrats, in May 1913 at Bern, & May 1914 at Basel, called leading politicians and delegates from France to a conference that had as it's aim a durable peace between Germany & France. Albert Ballin, Jew and confidant of the Kaiser, in April 1914 also tried to secure peace between England & Germany by inviting Churchill to Kiel for conversations.

But Just as the majority of the german was helpless at the foreign policy of the Kaiser and his advisors, and trusted them implicitly, the german Jews approached this time also without a true estimation of events. The german popu- lation was Just as surprised by the war as their Jewish fellow citizens. Both were swept by patriotic enthusiasm that broke out all over Germany at the outbreak of war. Within the Jewish view there was no question or difference as to duty to the fatherland.

The same Ludwig Frank, who shortly before outbreak of war tried to prevent it with all means , in August 1914 said that in the moment of danger and the national defense all considerations must cease before the need to protect the borders.

Like many of his social-democratic colleagues he spoke for war loans, volunteered as a 40-year old and fell as one of the first in the trenches.

Only a very few found the coiorage, once the first enthusiasm was spent, to uncover the senselessness of this undertaking: " Must we deny that war is to us Jews more strange than to the others? Must we be ashamed after three thousand years of discipline of the soul that we no longer understand the world when it leads to war? Are we really worse because. .. .not only the enemy, but the fear

aw

.1. 1 no -i-n nni- cni 1 1 hninan hlnod?"

P.80 Good Conduct Certificate. 2^ years military service is finished. Leopold Braunschweig conducted himself particualrly praiseworthy.

Veist Bloch as soldier - 1916.

67

The call of Wilhelm II: "I know no parties, I know only germans* was followed in Baden by 4,758 jews. This was 18.37% of the total Baden Jewry. The proportion of draftees of the general population was 19%. 488 jews volunteered. From Kirchen, from what can still be determined today, the following Jewish citizens parti- cipated in the war: Jonas Olesheimer (166.1), Leopold Bramschweig (100.0),

Samuel Moses (158.0), David Moses (160.0), who died July 1,1916 in France,

Veist Bloch (72.0).

With the continuation of the war, difficulty in food supply, and a stagnant front, the antisemitism quiescent in the early days of the war revived. The jews were accused to have caused the war, to enrich themselves thereon, and to not fight in the field in comparable numbers. 'The Jewish shirkers' became a common expression. 1916 the war ministry ordered that the number of jews serving in the army at the front be counted.

After the breakdown of civil order November 1918 jews in leading p^ositions in Baden were responsible for a almost peaceful trainsition of government. It was teh two Karlsruhe attorneys Ludwig Marum (minister of justice) and the former Reichstag delegate Ludwig Haas (Interior minister). At the risk of his life Haas assisted the grand-ducal family to flee Karlsruhe.

The constitution of 1919 declared Baden to be a democratic republic.

Par. 18 concerns religous church matters: 'Each inhabitasnt of the land has the protection to freedom of conscience & worship of his God.... All governmental religous and churchly coirmunities are equal in law. They are corporations under law and have the right to tax themselves according to law. They arrange & manage their affairs freely & independently within state laws. Particularly the church offices will be decided by the churches themselves." This dispensed with the various ' Bevormundungsaemter ' - the 1812 introduced state commissioners, the naming of the Oberrat members, the rabbis and heads of synagogue by government offices.

The economic situation of the early twenties was hopeless. Astronomical unem- ployment and the devaluation of money boosted the ever present anit-semitism in new forms. The 'disaffected' were fron the conservatives to the reactionary groups, that hated the Weimar Republic as a imposition of world Jewry to destroy Germany.

The humiliating peace of Versailles, the apparently undefeated german divisions, all these complicated matters found their explanation in one word: Dagger sthurst.

The new republic was a jew state. The jews were blood suckers, freeloaders, parasites on the corpus of the german people. They form ed a state within a state, destroyed the folkish organism. Individually they showed greed, lust.

materialism.

68

Another time 'international Jewry rules the world', or if it didn't do that it was the 'Wise men of Zion'.

The religous and economic antisemitism was totally displaced by the racial antisemitism. The jews were part of a 'foreign, inferior race'. The novels of Arthur DintersiThe sin vs. the spirit. The sin vs. the blood, The sin against love 'carried this racial antisemitism to a great part of the german people.

Among the german clubs, parties & organizations who carried antisemitism in their programs the NSDAP founded 1920 was perhaps the largest but not only party. Among them were the 'German Social' party founded before the war, that 1922 split from the Deutschnationalen Volkspartei, the german-folkish freedom party, the front -veterans league, the Steelhelmet, the young-german order, the german-folkish Protection league, as well as the already founded before the war •All-german League'. They all spread the antisemitism already carried by a large

part of the german people.

The Rekigion Teachers

In this politically heated climate the position of the Jewish religion teacher, already disadvantaged, became desperate. Allowances for price increases and the low salaries authorised by the Oberrat could never keep pace with inflation, and seriously threatened the economic existance of the Jewish teachers. A payscale set by a commission appointed by the Oberrat January 1920 that was to keep adjusting the pay according to rises in costs was too slight to ameliorate the difficult situation. A look into the papers "re the taxation for the local religous needs of the local cannunity" gives the picture of a impossible situation .

The religion teacher of many years standing in Kirchen Jakob Alperowitz (1.0) on 4 July 1921 complained to the Bezirkssynagoge Freiburg that at current high prices he cannot support his family of 6. When the Kirchen Synagogengemeinde in 1924 complained to the Oberrat about the size of the payscale of the teacher, the Oberrat in Karlsruhe felt it had to take a position for Alperowitz 15 Sept.

1924: He is in service as teacher since 23 June 1907 and has 2 children aged 6 - 14 and 2 aged 14 - 21 and absolutely needed the funds assigned badly.

The same year Jakob Alperowitz left Kirchen and moved to Muellheim where he served as teacher and cantor until 1939. (Tr:He was tr. teacher in hebr.S, religion). 1931 Alfred Ludwig Rosenberg (173.0) was the last official teacher, cantor

& shochet of the Kirchen J .congregation.

P.82 Jewish Youth from Kirchen & Muellheim (?-tr) on Excursion. Standing with glasses: Religion teacner 6. cantor Aj-tieU Ruaeiibej-y .

Alfred Rosenbach was from Breisach. Among his ancestors is the rabbinic family

Kahn who lived in Salzburg for a long time. After canletion of secular schooling

he attended the Jewish teacher training institution at Wuerzburg 1928-1931.

69

Shortly before starting at Kirchen he received instruction in Shechita at Freiburg. As per his signed contract of 22 Nov. 1931 his duties entailed: all religous instruction, serving as cantor during worship, holding sermons after sabbath morning worship, and to serve as shochet available to all members of the congregation. He was also required to supervise the sale of meat and perform the ritual removal of certain veins & tendons, etc. His salary was set according to the Baden scale, group 4-b, for special officials. He was due two weeks vacation and a apartment (4 rooms & Kitchen) in the synagogue building.

P.82 Contract of Alfred Rosenberg -parts of first & last page, 1931 1932 he was amde clerk of the congregation. During his service in Kirchen he met Alice Bloch (72.0) whom he married 1935.

P.83 1935 Family Picture in front of synagogue. L-r: Bertha Bloch

Veist Bloch, Alice Bloch, Alfred Rosenberg.

In May 1935 Alfred Rosenberg left Kirchen and became religion teacher and cantor

of the j .congregation at Darmstadt. The young couple remained there until 1938

and from there emigrated to Brooklyn,N.Y.

There he worked for a short time as religion teacher and cantor, and since 1941 in Lansdale,Pa. employed by a wholesale grocer and part-time teacher & cantor.

The years 1924 - 1929 brought an economic stabilization and a reduction of anti-semitism in the regular parties. The international economic crisis of 1929 soon became catastrophic in Germany. The statisticaly calculateable people's income fell by half 1928 - 1932. That antisemitism is the revolt of the small people (Kleinbuerger-tr) agaisnt industrialization was specially proven this year.

P.83 Letter of Acceptance of resignation by Oberrat.

The middle class, hit hardest by the recession after the workers, was the home of the germcin jews and at the same time it's worst enemy in the supporters of the NSDAP (nazi party-tr). This party had it's greatest following in the middle class. So the jews were doubly competitors of these people of the middle class.

G.L. Moses describes the general basis of all german parties from the center to the right, such as Alldeutsche, DNVP, NSDAP, etc. as follows: The common basis of the anti- jews is the constant struggle against estrangement & uprooting common to all society in repid industrialisation. Such thinking processes, using the word 'folkish' sought not only a solution of the problems of a capitalistic society but also sought the end of the distancing of the people from this society, so one tnrew over rational cninKing in oraer ru dcnievt: d Luj.js.it>iuiec>a xn a more 'natural' state, disregarding feelings & moods. 'Heimat' was not the concept of place but whre man stood vs. his connection with nature. The actuality of the new society was something bad, and the jews onbodied the new times.

70

The parties of the center - DVNP, Radical Democrats, German Democrats (or German State Party), Zentrum, Christian-social Volksdienst, Wirtschaftspartei,

& the German Volkspartei, had differing views towards antisemitism, i.e.the jews.

So one can categorize the DVNP as extreme antisemitic, whereas the German Democrats abhorred antisemitism as ' an immoral movement appealing to the lowest instincts'. The parties of the left, SPD & KPD, also ahd differing opinions re antisemitism. Whereas the SPD never propounded antisemitism in it's election propaganda the KPG followed the general trend.

The immigration to Kirchen between 1900 & 1932 went down to 27 people. The immigrants came largely from Baden j .congregations (15), from the rest of Germany (4), and from Switzerland (4).

20 left for towns in Baden, 15 to the USA, 14 to Switzerland (13 to basel alone), 10 to other towns in Ger.nany, 6 to Alsace, 5 to France, and 1 to Argentina. Above all the emigration to the USA with 21% of emigrants of this period, "later to accelerate during the nazi period, and at the same time was the finis.

The Catastrophy - 1933 - 1940

Injustice carried out can't be denied by secrecy. It is useless to want to hide behind the injustice doen to our people by other nations during the war. The mass murder of the jews will not be hidden thereby. If we believe

in G'd's judgement over our people in his grace that will turn ctirse into

blessing and will free us for a new life and work for our people in present and future.

Leo Baeck closed his address on the occassion of the 125-year celebration of the Oberrat der Israeliten Badens as follows: To truly remember means to truly hope, both are of the same inner root. Only he who retains his past can face the future. Today we look to another future as it was thought of years ago. But one thing we must know: the Baden jewry's strength, in which the jews of Baden

live, ordered and set by means of it's constitution, it will continue to work

for blessings in difficult times, adn so as G'd the eternal wills it blessed better days will be.

These comments of Baeck were based upon a one-year experience of the reign of the nazis. The jews of Germany really looked to the future differently, even tho there was really little hope for a truly dignified future. Too much

.. — T.rac- /^qc-4- r-r>i,oH in 4-V>i c Finch V^ar*. PPTltlirV

Old ties were suddenly negated, neighbors and friends were stopped from dealing with their fellow human beings by threat of official retribution.

How it got to that we all know. And yet after almost 60 years it ronains still inexplicable.

71

The first elections after the takeover for the Reichstag were held 5 March 1933. Kirchen had the following election results:

NSDAP

SPD

KPD

Zentrxam

DNVP

5 March 1933 53% - 46.1% 12.7%- 10.7% 12 % - 17.3% 1.2% - 15% 5.2% - 4.5%

31 July 1932 51.4%-43.6 14.5% - 11.9% 17.7% - 20.2% 1.3% - 15%

4.9% - 2%

( The first numbers are for Kirchen, the others for Loerrach Bezirk.)

In the Reich the results were as follows: NSDAP

SPD

KPD

Zentnom

43.9%

18.3%

12.3%

13.14%

Already on 13 March 1933 the regime changed in Kirchen, as described by the 'Oberbadi sehen Volksblatt Thursday evening about 10 PM a troop of uniformed Nationalsocialists drew up before the Rathaus and raised the Swastika flag as well as that of Baden, which immediately caused inhabitants to assemble, because the large plaza in front of the Rathaus filled up immediately. The Deutschland Lied as well as the Horst Wessel Lied were sung. After this perfor- mance the troop moved off to do likewise at the Ef ringen Rathaus.

P.86 Adolf Hitler with retinue on May 19,1939 inspects a sector of the Westwall under construction near Kirchen.

P.86 Frontpage of 'Ober badisches Volksblatt' of 1 April 1933.

Shortly thereafter on 1 April a organized bocott was proclaimed against the

jews in the entire Reich, against all Jewish businesses, doctors & lawyers. On

teh same day the Aufruf (P.85 - see above) appeared.

"Volksgenossen" (fellow citizens-tr) in Loerrach & vicinity: The following Jewish businesses and doctors in Loerrach are boycotted and are therefor to be avoided.

In Kirchen the only effect was the boycott of the small grocery of Julius Bloch (75.0) and his wife Sophie nee Geismar on the Freidrich Rotta Str. (foremerly house # 72) and the butchershop of Max Braunschweig (99.0). The other Kirchen Jews had no stores but primarily traded in cattle.

Dr. Leo Baum, resident & practicing at Efringen since 1927, where he also was attending physician & trainer for the newly founded Red Cross emergency unit, left for Basel 5 March 1933, as written in the local chronicle of Efringen- Kirchen: ' the conditions made it impossible to further function in the Red Cross unit.' Later Dr. Baum left Switzerland and went to the USA.

equal before the law. Only after special laws passed in the Reichstag that day did except ion- laws for portions of the populaiton become possible. Already on 7 April 1933 the first decree against Jews was promulgated: The re-constitution of the professional civil service.

72

April 1933 the then local NSDAP leader Eglin in a letter to the Buergermeister demanded 'the town council should decide that citizenship rights of the emi- grated Leopold Braunschweig be immediately withdrawn and given to waiting applicants. The town council complied totally. 1936 the now functioning as Buergermeister Eglin demanded of the Bezirksamt Loerrach that the citizenship be withdrawn from

the following jews: Henriette Olesheimer nee Bachrach (168.0)

Marx Braunschweig Levi, butcher (99)

Samuel Moses-Braunschweig (I) (158.)

Isak Braunschweig (101)

This request too was granted, based as it was on a decree of 13 Aug. 1936 to deny all jews civil rights/citizenship.

The unified press published pointed news & so-called historical reviews to show

purported evils of the jews past & present:

P.87 News Item from Stuermer Oct. 1938 branding attorney Fr.Vortisch as as a 'Jew Servant' because he handled a legal matter for Alexander Bloch of Kirchen.

Hermann Albrecht in his somewhat phantastic tale 'Der Praeceptoratsvicari ' told of J.P. Hebels activities during his Oberland years with a scene dealing with a jew of Kirchen in a strongly anti-semitic manner. In the Oberbadischen Volks- blatt of 14 Dec. 1940 writes of this tale of Albrecht with the title: When the jews still lived in the Markgraeflerland (for further articles see P.250/1).

In Kirchen the readiness for the new times and the new regime were apparent in the plebiscite after President v.Hindenburg's death when the office of the Reichs President and chancellor were combined. In district Loerrach about 20% voted no, in Kirchen only 4.9% did so.

P.88 Oberbadisches Voksblatt of 14 Dec. 1940. The racially revised version of Albrechts ' Praeceptoratsvicari ' .

On the eve of the power-take over 63 jews lived in Kirchen.

Characteristically the ages given 1933 show no children to 10 years of age.

Those up to 30 is only slightly larger proportionately that those over 60.

Ages of jews in Kirchen 1933: to 30 - 5.4%

30-60 - 42.9%

over 60 - 31.8%

If one compares the ages of the jewish population with that of the rest of the

Reich, i.e. Baden & Wurtemberg noticable differences appear:

to 30 30-60

Total Reich population 58% 33.8%

Jews in Baden/Wuertemberg 36.1% 48.5%

Jews in Kirchen 25.4% 42.9%

over 60 11.1% 13.8% 15.6% 31.5%

I

73

If the natural population structure of the total population of the Reich was already disturbed (due the high number over 50 and the reductions of births resulting from WWI ) , the population structure of the Landgemeinden becomes absurd. They were in a process of dissolution that within few years would lead to their total dissolution. Based on the relation of total births (within 5 years) and the total number of deaths, the birth and death numbers of the Jewish population, the dying out of the Jewish part of the population can be statistically determined .

Development from 1890 - 1926:

Baden total: Births - 2,016733 Deaths - 1,343,163 - excess births - 33.4%

Jews in Baden: Births - 14,609 Deaths - 13,726 - " " - 6.0%

Kirchen total:

- 17.5%

" Jews: " - 55 " - 70 - " " -(-21.4%)

The situation of the Kirchen Jews shows the marks of a dying congregation: An excess of 21.4 % of deaths. The flight of the younger generation to the cities would have caused the congregation to die out in a short time.

Even tho Sauer opines: The mentioned negative factors of the Jewish population numbers. . .may not lead to the conclusion that in 1933 the Jewish population was near dying out even without the nazi persecution, i.e destruction. A population development never follows mathematical laws. It was entirely within the realm of possibility, that as in France following WW®>, when the reduction of births can stop the reduction and so perhaps have changed the entire development.

Admitting the basic possibility of such developments it appears imlikely, that Judged by current developnent of Kirchen Jews, with the reduction of population and the great aging of the population, there would have been a sudden upswing

in more peaceful times.

A view of the long-term population developnent 1825 - 1939 shows the Just described

process .

From 1825 - 1939 the total population of Kirchen grew almost 23%, whereas the Jewish population went down by over 27%.

The general population of Kirchen had a surplus of births of 9.08% from 1900 - 1939, while the Jews had a births deficit of 55.96 % in the same period. So whre would people for an upswing come frc»n?

Percentage of Jewish population in Kirchen: 1825 - 9.6%

1875 - 15.2%

1900 - 10.4%

1925 - 6.8%

The freedom of Jews up to 1935 was relatively great in spite of the severe

restirction placed on than after the special laws were enacted.

74

So one thought of the exclusionary laws a possible generality rather than being aimed against the jews. One avoided the expression 'jew' and used 'non- arian'. Also the veterans of WWI as well as those employed since 1 Aug. 1918 were exempted from these laws.

January 1935 Veist Bloch (72.0) as participant in WWI received 'in the name of the Fuehrer and Reichskanzler' the 'Cross of Honor' for war participants as established by Hindenburg.

P.90 Certificate of award of 'Cross of Honor* for WWI veterans

P.90 Veist Bloch, 2nd. row, extrane right, as active soldier As late as July 1939 the Landratsamt Loerrach issued Veist Bloch a Heimatschein (certificate of residence-tr ) which acknowledged his Reich citizenship.

With the proclamation of the Nuernberg laws of 15 Sept. 1935 and that for the ipj-Qtection of german blood & honor' all jews were forced out of all official and public positions. These Nuernberg laws first brought the definition of a qualified but never granted 'Reichsbuergerschaft ' (Reich citizenship-tr - a legalistic point). Exlcuded: 'Jew is one descended from at least three fully jewish grandparents' and in par. 2. 2 the rule: Jewish 'Mischling' is one descended from one or two racially jewish grandparents. Fully jewish is considered without question is one grandparent who belonged to a jewish religous community." In the law for the protection of German blood par.l says: Marriages between jews and state subjects of german or related blood are forbidden. Par. 2: Non-mar ital relations between jews and german subjects or those of related blood are forbidden. No reaction can be ascertained in the Kirchen commimity to these laws. One simply could not believe that in a functioning society all connections and the most elementary basis of life was to be prohibited. How impossible this was to p0 believed is not to be understood as an underestimation of the situation, yet that it was not really understood is shown by the fact that only 4 persons emigrated from Kirchen 1933 - 1936 to foreign parts.

P. 91 Heimatschein ofVeist & Berta Bloch, July 1939

Veist Bloch with son Jakob in front of house in Kirchen Reprimand of Ef ringen doctor because of 'friendliness to jews'

The general ownership of house and home and land , the respectable prosperity , and not least the 200-year old tradition of life in Kirchen, kept the great maioritv of the Kirchen jews from considering an emigration.

75
Jewish House Ownership in Kirchen- Efringen P.92/3/4	•
The	numerals indicate the location of the houses on the map P.94 - Lageplan.
(LGB nr. = Lagebuch number - location register (tr.note: Up to relatively
recent times houses were identified by a number on a map; street numbers
are	relatively recent. See Illustrations pp.92 - 93. (Not all illus.)
1.	LGB # 193, Baslerstr. 12, 2-fam. house, Klara Hamburger
2.	" # 39, Baslerstr. 90/38, One-story house w. stable & shed, Isaak & Salomon Bloch, used by N.L. Wormser
3.	" # 228, Baslerstr. 21, 2-fam. & farm bldgs ., Samuel Moses I
4.	" # 68/70, ]m Winkel, 1 st.hous w. cellar, hayloft, bam & shed, David Lieberles ( Basel )
5.	" # 278, House # 82, Bergrain 8, 1 story house w. stable, Regine Bloch & Marie Bloch
6.	" # 269, house # 77, Bergrain 4, 2-fam. house w. outbuildings & Slaughterhouse, Isaak Braunschweig
7.	Former location of synagogue, Friedr.Rotta Str. Syn. had Apt. & cellar, also outbuilding w. ritual bath & schoolroom, prop, of J.Congr.
8.	LGB # 268 House # 76, Baslerstr . 103, 1-fam.hse.w.butchershop, Marx Braunschweig
9.	" # 266, House 3 266, Hse.# 73-B, Friedrich Rottra Str., Condom. owner ship, outbuildings, Hermann Moses & Eva Schwab
10.	" # 265, Hse.# 72, F. Rottra Str. , 1-f am. hse. with shop, Julius Bloch & Sopjie Geismar
11.	" # 253, Hse.# 44, Bergrain 1 , 1-fam.hse. ,Veist & Bertha Bloch
12.	" Hse.# 4 l,Fr. Rottra St. 58, Emma Olesheimer-Weil.
13.	" #192, Hse.# 14, 2-f am. w. outbuildings, Henriette Olesheimer & L. Braunschweig
14	" #194 Hse.# 1 3, F. Rottra Str. 46, Condom. ownership (Stockwerkeigentum) w. outbuildings, Seligmann Moses & Auguste Weil
15.	" #113 Hse. 1 23, F. Rottra Str. 11, 2-story hse., bam & stable, shed & •Abort' (outside gravity toilet-tr) , Samuel Moses II
16.	" #232 Hse.# 17, Brcanen 3, 2-f amhse.w. outbuildings, Auguste Bloch- Wachenheimer
17.	" # 467/8 Hse. #183, Neusetze 20,1 -story dwellin ghouse & 2^ story storehouse, Rosa Moses nee Weil.
18.	" #1844-a (Efr ingen ),Hauptstr. 2, House w. garden & f ields , Sigmund Harburger	•
19.	" # 4483 (E) J.Cemetary- total 19ar,7-cem.-J. Congregation
In	the Lagebuch of the Coomune Kirchen Jewish ownership is shown in black.

76

This statistic shows that over 90% of the Jewish citizens of Kirchen lived in their own homes Aiouses . So the businennes of Leopold Braunschweiger & Veist